/ 


LIBRARY 

Ihcological  j^cminanu 

PRINCETON , N J 

No.  Case,  PJ j - -.-j i 
No.  Shelf, 

No.  Book,  .-4?.— 

Ma, 


Rev-  W>  B-  SPRAGUE,  D.D. 


*/»/;  1839. 


^8? 


# 


e Pollu  tion.  Vol.  44^ 


, 


* 


%■;  < 


*►  « 


I 


\ 


*v  * 


V 


\ 


*■* 


. 


E 


S S 


A 


Y 

^ 

ON  THE 

IMPOLICY 

OF  THE 

AFRICAN  SLAVE  TRADE. 


IN  TWO  PARTS. 


By  the  Rev. 


y „ - 

T.  CLARKSON,  M A. 


TO  WHICH  IS  ADDED, 

AnORATION, 

Upon  the  Necessity  of  establishing  at  Paris, 
a Society  to  promote  the  Abolition  of  the 
Trade  and  Slavery  of  the  Negroes. 

By  J.  P.  BRISSOT  de  WARVILLE. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

Printed  by  FRANCIS  BAILEY,  at  Yorick’s- 
Head,  in  Market-street. 


M , 1)  C C, L X X X V X 1 1 « 


T 0 


WILLIAM  W1LBERF0RCE,  Efq. 

ONE  OF  THE 

MEMBERS  of  PARLIAMENT 

FOR  THE 

COUNTY  of  YORK. 


T 


S I R, 

0 a Gentleman , like  you , whofe  public  and  private 
actions  are  founded  on  principle , and  who  are  con- 
tent with  doing  your  duty  without  the  tribute  of  popular 
applaufe , I fear  that  the  perufal  of  this  page  may  be 
rather  dijlr effing:  nor  am  I fure  that  / Jhall  not , in  fome 
degree , incur  your  cenfure , for  having  printed  it  without 
either  your  permiffion  or  your  knowledge.  You  will  con- 
fider , however , how  difficult  it  is  for  me,  who  am  ac- 
quainted with  your  exertions  in  the  caufe  of  humanity  and 
freedom,  to  pafs  them  over  on  fuch  an  occafion  as  this. — 
1 trujl , therefore,  that  in  addreffmg  this  little  book  to 
you,  as  a zealous  advocate  in  behalf  of  the  oppreffed 

Africans , 


[ ii  J 

Africans , you  will  excufe  the  liberty  I have  taken , under 
the  circumjlance  now  explained ; and  I mujl  intreat  you 
to  believe , that  no  encomium  Jhould  ever  have  been  paid 
you  by  me , urdefs  I had  believed  it  to  have  been  previ- 
Gufy  earned. 

I have  the  Honor  to  be , Sir, 

Tour  fmcere , 

And  obedient  Servant , 

THOMAS  CLARKSON. 


i 


PREFACE. 


PREFACE 


IT  may  be  expected,  that,  in  offering  fo  many  articles 
of  information  to  the  public,  and  fuch  as  will  mate- 
rially affect  the  policy  of  the  Have  trade,  fome thing  fftould 
be  faid  of  their  authenticity,  or  the  affurance  the  public 
may  have,  that  they  are  true. 

The  productions  of  Africa  are  the  firft  objects  of  con- 
fideration  in  this  work.  Whatever  I have  faid  relative  to 
the  exiftence  of  thefe,  has  been  collected  from  living 
evidence,  and  of  the  greateft  part  of  them  I have  now 
fpecimens  in  my  poffejjion. 

The  cruelties,  practifed  by  the  officers  of  Have  veffels 
on  the  perfons  of  their  unfortunate  crews,  (which  is 
another  object  of  confideration)  has  been  ftated  from 
various  depofitions , voluntarily  made  laft  year.  I have  had 
alfo  ocular  dejnonjlration,  as  far  as  a fight  of  their  mangled 
bodies  will  be  admitted  as  a proof,  that  fuch  cruelties 
were  exercifed  upon  them ; and  I have  had  the  fatisfaction 
of  making  fome  of  the  perpetrators  acknowledge  them,  by 
the  payment  of  a fine. 

The  lofs  of  feamen,  both  in  the  Have  trade  and  other 
trades,  (which  is  a principal  object  of  confideration  in  this 
work)  is  fo  exact,  that,  though  it  was  neceffary  to  have 
an  account  of  no  lefs  than  feven  or  eight  thoujand  of  them 
to  afcertain  the  fact,  yet  the  name  of  every  individual  can 
be  given. 

The  lift  of  plantations,  that  have  been  cited  as  having 
fupported  themfelves  independently  of  the  Have  trade,  has 
been  made  up  either  from  letters  lately  received  on  the 
fubject,  or  from  the  oral  ftatement  of  the  proprietors 
themfelves,  or  from  thofe  gentlemen  who  became  ac- 
quainted with  their  fituation  by  living  near  them. 


With 


[ iv  ] 


With  refpedf  to  other  ftatements,  which  I may  diftin- 
guifh  by  the  name  of  mifcellaneous,  they  are  of  equal 
authority.  I have  always  gone  for  them  myfelf  to  the 
fountain  head;  and,  with  the  affiftance  of  my  worthy 
aflociates  in  the  caufe,  neither  labour  nor  expenfe  has 
been  fpared  in  obtaining  them  from  that  quarter. 

Having  faid  a few  words  on  the  authenticity  of  the 
pages  now  to  be  offered  to  the  public,  I (hall  only  add, 
that  I fhall  think  myfelf  fufficiently  repaid  for  any  trouble 
I have  taken,  if  they  tend  to  throw  any  light  on  the 
fubjeft;  and  to  convince  mankind,  that  Providence  has 
univerfally  made  the  fcale  to  preponderate  in  favour  of 
humanity,  and  that  the  African  flave  trade  has  not  that 
jouncl policy  for  its  bafts,  which  people  have  but  too  gener- 
ally imagined. 


PART  I 


PART  I. 

4t 

INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 


IN  a former  Effay,  on  the  “ Commerce  of  the  Human 
Species,”  I particularly  enlarged  on  the  injuftice  and 
inhumanity  of  that,  which  is  exhibited  in  the  African 
trade.  In  the  prefent,  I fhall  undertake  to  fhevv  (unlefs  I ^ 
deceive  myfelf  greatly)  that  it  is  as  impolitic * as  I have 
proved  it  to  be  inhuman  and  unjuft. 

There  are  many  general  arguments,  that  muft  occur  to 
every  fenfible  and  difinterefted  man  who  is  at  all  acquaint- 
ed with  the  fubjeft,  againft  this  commerce,  independently 
of  its  iniquity  or  its  barbarous  effects. 

The  firft  connection,  which  the  Europeans  ever  had 
with  the  Africans,  was  for  Slaves.  This  continued  to 
be  for  many  years  the  only  traffic  for  which  they  had 
intercourfe  with  each  other.  Some  Britilh  merchants, 
however,  finding  by^the  reports  of  their  agents,  who  had 
vifited  this  coaft,  that  it  abounded  with  gums,  wax,  am- 
bergris, honey,  ivory,  and  gold,  held  out  to  the  natives 
the  profpeCt  of  a new  and  additional  trade.  The  Africans 
were  nofooner  made  acquainted  with,  than  they  embraced 
the  plan.  They  began  to  collect  the  different  articles  ac- 
cordingly, and  have  continued  in  thepurfuitof  them,  though 
not  without  hazard  to  their  perfons,  to  the  prefent  day. 

The  commercial  connection  between  the  Europeans  and 
Africans,  became  by  thefe  means  more  extenfive  than  be- 
fore, and  continued  on  this  fcale,  till  it  was  difeovered  that 
the  fame  continent  abounded  with  many  valuable  woods. 

The  merchants  of  that  day,  apprized  of  the  difeovery, 
immediately  propofed  their  fehemes  as  their  predeceffors 

B had 


4 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


had  done  before,  but  defpaired  of  fuccefs ; conceiving  that 
the  Africans,  who  bore  the  character  of  an  indolent  peo- 
ple, would  never  engage  in  fo  laborious  an  employment 
as  that  of  cutting  wood. 

They  were,  however,  agreeably  difappointed.  The 
Africans  embarked  in  this  with  as  much  alacrity  as  in  the 
former  fcheme.  They  went  more  than  two  hundred 
miles  into  the  inland  country,  cut  dfljsvn  wood  fimilar  to 
that  which  had  been  pointed  out,  and  m the  rainy  feafons 
brought  it  in  their  canoes  to  the  fhips,  enabling  the  fame 
merchants  to  gain  a profit  on  the  new  article,  though  fold 
at  an  eafy  price.  This  trade  was  diftinguifhed  by  the  name 
of  the  wood  trade,  and  is  carried  on  more  extenfively  now, 
than  at  any  former  period  ; though  the  whole  of  the  trade 
in  the  natural  productions  of  the  country  bears  no  fort  of 
comparifon  with  that  in  Haves. 

This  narration  of  faCts  carries  with  it,  firft,  a proof  of 
the  commmo'ial fpirit  of  the  Africans,  who  have  no  fooner 
had  a new  and  additional  line  of  intercourfe  pointed  out, 
than  they  have  embraced  it. 

Now,  if  \\%»connder  that  the  African  foil  is  undoubt- 
edly more  fertile  than  that  of  any  other  quarter  of  the 
globe;  if  we  confider  that  its  natives  are  poflefled  of  the 
commercial  fpirit  defcribed;  that  they  fpeak  the  European 
languages ; that  they  are  adepts  in  arithmetical  calcula- 
tions, artd  capable  of  conducting  trade,  it  mult  furely  be 
the  higheft  impolicy  that  fuch  a ccuitfyi  and  poflefled  by 
fuch  inhabitants,  fhould  be  fcarcely xnown  but  as  a mart 
for  human  blood.  It  muft,  I repeat,  be  impolicy  in  the 
higheft  degree  in  the  Europeans,  becaufe,  under  the  cir- 
cumftances  now  defcribed,  much  higher  advantages  might 
be  derived  in  another  line  of  trade. 

It  {hews,  fecondly,  that  the  difficulty  of  engaging  the 
Africans  in  any  new  line  of  commerce  would  not  be  fo 
great,  as  has  been  generally  imagined. 

It  is  certainly  much  to  be  feared,  that,  while  Jlaves 
continue  to  be  the  grand  defideratum  of  our  African  in- 
tercourfe, very  little  can  be  expeCted  from  any  additional 
trade  in  the  natural  productions  of  the  country.  Not  but 
that  more  of  the  natives  would  be  found  to  embark  in  it 
than  there  are  at  prefent,  but  that  thefe  would  be  fo  few 


5 


African  Slave  Trade. 

for  the  purpofe,  while  the  chief  part  of  our  attention  was 
directed  to  the  other,  that  it  could  hardly  be  carried  to  that 
extent,  which  would  render  it  of  much  national  importance. 

Butfuppofe  that  the  Have  trade  were  abolifhed;  fuppofe 
that  we  now  entered  into  the  one  with  as  much  zeal  and 
alacrity,  as  we  had  done  formerly  in  the  other;  would  it 
not  be  reafonable  to  prefume,  that,  under  fuch  encourag- 
ments,  we  fhould  foon  have  a valuable  and  an  extenfive 
trade?  If  the  Africans  could  go  two  hundred  miles  into 
the  inland  country,  and  engage  in  the  laborious  employ- 
ment of  cutting  wood,  it  is  reafonable  to  think,  that  they 
could  be  brought  to  become  the  cultivators  of  their  own 
lands.  I prefume  alfo,  that  free  labour  could  be  introdu- 
ced among  them  : it  being  no  more  difficult  to  introduce 
cultivation,  or  any  fyjlem  of  cultivation  there,  than  it  was, 
fmce  the  beginning  of  the  flave  trade,  to  have  given  birth 
to  the  various  offices  of  brokers  upon  the  coaft,  to  have 
communicated  to  them  the  European  languages,  to  have 
introduced  the  different  media  of  exchange,  and  to  have 
eflablifhed  the  whole  of  that  regular  fyflem  of  trade,  which 
fubfifts  at  the  prefent  day. 

Thefe  obfervations  being  made,  I fhall  lay  down  two 
pofitions : firft,  that  the  Africans,  by  proper  encourage- 
ment, can  be  brought  into  habits  of  labour : and  fecondly, 
that  free  labour  can  be  made  the  medium,  through  which 
the  productions  of  their  country  may  be  collected,  or 
brought  to  maturity  and  ufe. 

Thefe  are  the  only  data,  which  I fhall  require;  and, 
having  laid  them  down,  I fhall  proceed  immediately  to 
the  point,  making  a replication  to  all  the  arguments,  which 
I have  ever  yet  found  to  be  advanced  in  defence  of  the 
policy  of  the  trade  in  flaves. 


CHAP.  I 


6 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


CHAP.  I. 

SECTION  I. 

The  Patrons  of  the  trade  have  been  long  accuftomed  to 
advance,  that  it  is  a trade  of  great  value  to  the  nation. 

I confefs  that  I have  never  been  able  to  comprehend 
their  meaning.  I fhall,  therefore,  before  I attempt  to 
make  a reply,  canvafs  the  expreffion. 

Do  they  mean  that  the  flaves  taken  from  Africa  become 
labourers  in  the  colonies  ? that  thefe  labourers  make  fugar  ? 
that  this  fugar  produces  a revenue,  and  that  the  trade 
therefore  is  of  great  national  importance?  If  this  be  their 
meaning,  I reply,  that  it  is  fugar  that  produces  the  reve- 
nue, and  not  the  Have. — That  the  cane  can  be  cultivated 
by  freemen,  and  further,  that  it  can  be  cultivated,  under 
■ certain  regulations,  without  the  importation  of  another 
African  from  the  coaft. 

To  fuppofe  then  that  they  aferibe  to  the  inftrument 
which  may  be  varied,  what  is  due  only  to  the  fixed  object 
of  cultivation,. .or,  at  any  rate,  to  a concatenation  of  cir- 
cumftances,  is  to  fuppofe  them  to  be  incapable  of  diferi- 
mination,  and  is  therefore  a fuppolition,  which  I am  not 
at  liberty  to  make. 

Do  they  mean  again,  that  flaves  employ  fhips  to  tranf- 
port  them  ? that  thefe  fhips  employ  feamen,  and  that  thefe 
f'eamen  are  the  pillars  of  the  flate  ? But  thefe  are  but 
appendages  of  the  trade.  Rice,  cotton,  indigo,  tobacco, 
and  other  productions  of  the  African  foil,  would,  in  this 
point  of  view,  be  equally  beneficial. — I prefume  then  they 
mud  mean  that  flaves,  confidered  of  themfelves  as  a com- 
inoditv,  and  without  any  of  the  appendages  deferibed, 
conftitute  an  article  of  commerce,  that  is  highly  benefi- 
cial to  the  Bate. 

This  being  prefumed,  I fhall  ftate  the  queftion  in  the 
following  manner. 

Africa  has  two  forts  of  commodities  to  offer  us, — her 
natural  productions,  and — her  flaves. — The  queftion  is, 
in  which  of  the  two,  confidered  abftraCtedly  by  themfelves, 
it  is  meft  politic  to  deal.  If  in  confequence  of  fuch  a 

comparifon 


African  Slave  Trade. 


7 


corr.parifon  it  ftiould  appear,  that  a traffic  in  the  one 
would  be  of  much  more  national  importance  than  in  the 
other,  I prefume  that  the  other,  inafmuch  as  it  engrofles 
the  principal  part  of  our  attention,  and  diverts  it  from 
one  that  would  be  more  beneficial,  will  be  allowed  to 
be  impolitic. 

To  reply  to  the  argument  advanced,  I fhall  firfl:  turn 
my  attention  to  the  woods  of  Africa.  > 

In  the  preceding  chapter  it  was  obferved  there  were 
two  trades  eftablilhed  upon  the  coaft,  independent  of,  and 
having  no  connection  with  the  trade  in  Haves.  The  firfl: 
eftablilhed  was  that  in  gums,  wax,  ambergris,  honey, 
ivory  and  geld.  The  fecond  was  that  in  woods.  Thefe 
trades  are  now  united.  The  merchant  who  fits  out  a 
veflel  for  wood,  fits  it  out  alfo  for  as  many  of  the  other 
commodities  as  he  can  procure.  However,  the  great 
bulk  of  his  cargo,  and  object  of  his  voyage,  being  that 
of  wood,  his  veflel  is  termed  a wood  vejfel.  I make  this 
diftinCtion,  not  only  becaufe  the  merchant  makes  it  him- 
felf,  but  becaufe  I Ihall  have  occafion  to  ufe  the  expref- 
lion  in  many  parts  of  the  work. 

The  firfl:  African  woods  that  were  known  to  be  objects 
of  commercial  importance,  were  Camwood  and  Barwood. 
Thefe  were  imported  by  themfelves  for  feme  years.  In 
procefs  of  time,  however,  it  was  found  that  Ebony  was  a 
a native  of  the  coaft  : and  foon  afterwards  Lignum  Vitce 
was  dilcovered. 

Thefe  are  the  only  African  woods,  that  are  brought 
home  as  commercial  articles  at  the  prefent  day.  But  as 
we  already  import,  or  Ihall  import  in  a little  time  as  much 
of  thefe  as  can  poiiibly  be  coniumed,  no  new  profpeCts  are 
to  be  formed  from  thence.  I Ihall  therefore  pafs  them 
over,  and  advert  to  f'uch,  as  being  now  in  embryo,  would, 
if  called  forth  by  the  abolition  of  the  trade  in  Haves,  afford 
a fubftitute  for  it  o i greater  benefit  to  the  nation. 

Tha*  Africa  abounds  with  hidden  treafures,  may  be 
collected  from  thofe,  which  accident  has  already  difeover- 
ed.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  this  extenfive  continent 
is  as  yet  unexplored.  The  vegetable  productions  are  but 
little  known,  and  the  foffils  lefs.  The  barks,  woods, 
roots,  fruits,  and  leaves,  have  hardly  been  noticed  by  any 

naturalift; 


8 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


naturalift ; and  the  {tones,  earths,  bitumens,  and  ores, 
have  not  been  fo  much  as  feen  by  the  eye  of  a chemical 
obferver. 

Nor  is  this  ignorance  of  the  natural  productions  of 
Africa  to  excite  our  wonder  or  furprife.  The  Africans, 
moftly  in  an  unimproved  ftate,  and  at  beft  ignorant  of  the 
various  mechanical  arts  that  are  pradtifed  in  Europe,  and 
of  the  various  commodities  that  are  the  objects  of  Euro- 
pean commerce,  cannot  be  fuppofed  to  be  capable  of  point- 
ing out,  of  themfelves,  fuch  of  their  own  productions  as 
would  be  valuable  in  trade. 

The  Europeans,  on  the  other  hand,  that  is,  nine  in  ten, 
who  vifit  this  extenfive  continent,  vifit  it  for  JJaves.  This 
is  the  grand  obje£t  of  their  voyage.  It  engroffes  all  their 
thoughts,  and  occafions  them  to  overlook  even  the  com- 
mon productions  of  the  place.  And  fo  true  is  this  obler- 
vation,  that  many,  who  have  vifited  this  coaft  for  years, 
can  give  no  better  account  of  it  in  this  refpeCt,  than  thofe 
who  have  never  feen  it  at  all.  I muft  add  too,  that  little 
leifure,  and  {till  lefs  opportunity  would  be  afforded  them, 
in  the  prefent  pofture  of  affairs  there,  of  gratifying  their 
wilhes,  even  had  they  a turn  for  botanical  or  chemical 
purfuits. 

To  thefe  circumftances  then,  but  ultimately  to  the 
trade  in  JJaves , is  to  be  afcribed  the  ignorance  before 
mentioned.  Under  thefe  difadvantages,  the  reader  will 
hardly  expeCt  that  I {hall  be  able  to  fay  much  of  the 
woods  of  Africa.  Such,  however,  as  accident  has  dif- 
covered  within  the  laft  three  years,  {hall  immediately  be 
pointed  out. 

Within  the  period  now  afligned  it  has  been  fully  fub- 
ftantiated,  that  mahogany  grows  upon  the  coaft.  About 
eighteen  tons  of  it  were  collected  there,  and  imported 
into  this  country  in  the  year  1786. 

Not  long  after  this,  a veffel,  having  delivered  her  flaves 
in  the  Weft-Indies,  returned  home.  In  difcharging  fome 
firewood,  which  had  been  taken  in  upon  the  coaft,  a fmall 
billet  was  difcovered  of  a different  appearance  from  the 
reft.  This  excited  the  attention  of  the  difcoverer,  who 
fent  it  to  be  polifhed.  It  proved,  in  confequence  of  this 
trial,  to  be  the  tulip  wood,  fo  called  from  its  refemblance 

to 


African  Slave  Trade. 


9 


to  that  flower,  the  ground  of  it  being  of  a ftraw  colour, 
and  inlaid  with  crimfon  veins.  This  w'ood  would  be  of 
the  greateft  importance  to  cabinet  workers  and  inlayers, 
and  fo  valuable,  that  they  would  be  glad  to  purchafe  it  at 
the  rate  of  three  (hillings  per  pound. 

The  nextfpecies  of  wood,  that  excited  the  attention  of 
the  importer,  was  a fmall  log  brought  home  in  one  of  the 
wood  veflels  before  defcribed.  It  was  of  a pale  ftraw 
colour.  The  veins  of  it  were  yellow,  and  had  a beautiful 
appearance.  It  was  remarkably  light,  and  yet  clofe 
grained,  and  feemed  peculiarly  adapted  for  mufical  inftru- 
ments.  It  would  have  made,  however,  elegant  light  fur- 
niture, and  would  have  been  in  great  requeft  with  the 
artifts  of  the  former  defcription. 

About  the  fame  time,  in  which  this  log  was  difcovered, 
another  wood  veflel,  belonging  to  the  fame  port,  brought 
home  a fpecimen  of  the  bark  of  a tree,  that  produced  a 
very  valuable  yellow  dye,  and  far  beyond  any  other  ever 
in  ufe  in  this  country. 

The  virtues  of  it  were  difcovered  in  the  following  man- 
ner. A gentleman,  refident  upon  the  coaft,  ordered  fome 
wood  to  be  cut  down  to  ereCt  an  hut.  While  the  people 
were  felling  it,  he  was  (landing  by.  During  the  opera- 
tion, fome  juice  flew  from  the  bark  of  it,  and  ftained  one 
of  the  ruffles  of  his  (hirt.  He  thought  that  the  ftain 
would  have  walhed  out,  but  on  wearing  it  again,  found 
that  the  yellow  fpot  was  much  more  bright  and  beautiful 
than  before,  and  that  it  gained  in  luftre  every  fubfequent 
time  of  wafhing.  Pleafed  with  the  difcovery,  which  he 
knew  to  be  of  fo  much  importance  to  the  manufacturers 
of  Great-Britain,  and  for  which  a confiderable  premium 
had  been  offered,  he  fent  home  the  bark  now  mentioned 
as  a fpecimen.  He  is  fince  unfortunately  dead ; and  little 
hopes  are  to  be  entertained  of  falling  in  with  this  tree  again, 
unlefs  ftmilar  accidents  (liould  difcover  it,  or  a change 
(hould  take  place  in  our  comercial  concerns  with  Africa. 

I (hall  now  mention  another  valuable  wood,  which, 
like  all  thofe  that  have  been  pointed  out,  was  difcovered 
by  accident  in  the  fame  year.  Another  wood  veflel,  be- 
longing to  the  fame  port,  was  difcharging  her  cargo. 
Among  the  barwood  a fmall  billet  was  difcovered,  the 

colour 


10 


O Nf  THE  IaIPOLICY  OF  THE 


colour  of  which  was  fo  fuperior  to  that  of  the  reft,  as  to 
lead  the  obferver  to  fufpedi,  that  it  was  of  a very  different 
fpecies  ; though  it  is  clear  that  the  natives,  by  cutting  it 
of  the  fame  fize  and  dimenfions,  and  by  bringing  it  on 
board  at  the  fame  time,  had,  on  account  of  its  red  colour 
miftaken  it  for  the  other.  One  half  of  this  billet  was  cut 
away  in  experiments.  It  was  found  to  produce  a colour 
that  emulated  the  carmine,  and  was  deemed  to  be  fo  va- 
luable in  the  dying  trade,  that  an  offer  was  immediately 
made  of  fixtv  guineas  per  ton  for  any  quantity  that  could 
be  procured.  The  other  half  has  been  fince  lent  back  to 
the  coaft,  as  a guide  to  collect  more  of  the  fame  fort ; 
though  it  is  a matter  of  doubt,  whether,  under  the  cir- 
cumftances  that  have  been  related,  the  fame  tree  can  be 
afcertained  again. 

I could  mention  here  feveral  other  woods,  which  would 
perhaps  be  new  to  the  reader,  and  which  would  form  a 
valuable  branch  of  trade  ; but  thofe  which  I have  men- 
tioned already,  are  fo  important  of  themfelves,  as  to 
preclude  the  neceffity  of  a longer  lift.  I fhall  therefore 
confine  my  obfervations  to  thefe. 

If  the  ftave  trade  were  abolifhed,  and  the  two  pofitions, 
mentioned  in  the  former  fedtion,  realized,  it  is  evident 
that  a trade  might  be  ftruck  out  in  the  preceeding  articles 
to  great  advantage  and  extent.  The  demand  for  maho- 
gany is  increafing  not  only  in  this  country,  but  in  Ger- 
many, to  a confidence  amount.  Suppofe  then  that  the 
new  trade  were  eftabliftied,  what  advantages  would  refult 
from  the  importation  of  this  article  in  particular  from 
the  coaft  ? 

Thefe  advantages,  I reply,  will  be  beft  feen  by  compa- 
rifon.  The  principal  part  of  the  mahogany,  which  we 
import,  comes  from  the  Bay  of  Honduras,  and  is  cut  by 
(laves.  In  Africa,  according  to  the  pofition  laid  down,  it 
would  be  cut  by  free  men;  a circumftance  of  the  higheft 
importance;  as  the  exertions  of  free , compared  with  thofe 
of  ferv'ile  labour,  are  at  leaft  in  the  proportion  of  three 
to  two.  The  infurance  alfo  from  the  Bay  of  Honduras  to 
the  Britifti  ports  is  from  five  to  ten,  while  that  from  Africa 
to  the  fame  place  is  but  two  and  a half  per  cent.  The 
raw  article,  therefore,  from  thefe  circumftances,  and 

additionally 


African  Slave  Trade. 


ii 


additionally  that  of  lower  freightage,  would  be  brought 
into  the  hands  of  the  merchantrand  manufacturer,  cheaper 
by  more  than  a third  than  it  comes  to  them  at  prefent. 

I mull  add  too,  that  the  voyage  in  the  latter  cafe  is 
much  lefs  dangerous  than  in  the  former.  That  the  infurer 
would  be  benefitted  by  the  change  ; and  that  as  it  is  a 
maxim  long  eftablifhed,  that  the  cheaper  the  material  the 
greater  the  demand  for  it,  a confiderable  increafe  would 
be  made  to  the  exportation  of  this  article  ; a circumftance, 
in  every  point  of  view  beneficial  to  the  nation. 

With  refpectto  the  other  woods,  thofe  for  cabinet  work 
and  dying , no  advantages  can  refultfrom  companion,  be- 
eaufe  there  is  no  other  place  upon  the  globe,  from  whence 
luch  treafures  could  be  derived. 

The  former,  however,  would  certainly  be  of  great 
confequence.  We  already  excel  all  the  artifts  of  the 
world  in  this  particular  department,  and  export  largely. — ■ 
But  what  an  additional  fcope  would  the  many  and 
variegated  woods  of  Africa  afford  to  the  tafte  and  inge- 
nuity of  our  countrymen  ! It  is  to  this  tafte  and  ingenu  - 
ity,  confpicuous  in  the  variety  of  patterns,  and  beauti- 
ful and  harmonious  difpofition  of  things,  that  we  are  to 
attribute  our  fuperiority  in  this  line  of  mechanifm,  and 
that  we  become  mechanics  for  the  world. 

But  with  refpect  to  the  latter,  they  are  certainly  beyond 
all  valuation.  It  is  well  known,  at  leaft  in  particular 
manufacturing  towns,  that  the  African  dyes  are  fuperior 
to  thofe  of  any  other  quarter  of  the  globe. — Our  manu- 
facturers have  long  viewed  them  with  a jealous  eye.  They 
have  promifed  themfelves  prodigious  fortunes,  and  their 
country  a lafting  and  extenfive  benefit,  could  they  but 
make  themfelves  matters  of  the  art  or  myftery  of  the 
compofitionof  thefe  invaluable  dyes.  It  is  certain,  how- 
ever, that  almoft  all  the  colours,  which  the  Africans  ufe, 
except  that  of  blue,  are  procured  from  their  own  trees, 
either  by  friction  or  decoction  ; and  that  though  they  have 
merit  in  the  preparation  of  them,  yet  the  great  myftery 
would  ceafe,  if  the  flave  trade  were  abolifhed,  as  fuch  an 
event  would  give  us  an  opportunity  of  making  thedifco- 
very,  and  of  introducing  them  as  articles  of  commerce. 

C I fhall 


J2  On  the  Impolicy  of  the 

I fhall  make  no  further  obfervation  on  this  head,  than 
that  if  accident  has  difcovercd  fuch  invaluable  treafures  as 
thofe  defcribed,  what  might  not  be  expended,  if  this  ex- 
tenfive  continent  were  explored  ? It  at  prelent  affords  u , 
comparatively  fpeaking,  fcarcely  any  thing  elfe  but  flaves. 
Will  any  perfon  affert,  that  the  woods  of  Africa  alone, 
without  reference  to  any  of  its  other  productions,  would 
not  be  more  lucrative  both  to  the  merchant,  the  manufac- 
turer, and  the  nation,  than  the  whole  trade  in  flaves? 

SECTION  II. 

But  the  woods,  though  uncommonly  curious  and  va- 
luable, are  not  the  only  articles  that  are  to  be  put  into  the 
fcale  on  this  occafion.  Another  valuable  commerce  would 
be  opened  to  us  in  other  commodities,  fuch  as  drugs, 
peppers,  and  fpices. 

That  Africa  abounds  with  many  valuable  drugs,  is  not 
only  evident  from  the  teftimony  of  thofe  who  have  refided 
there,  but  from  our  late  and  prefent  importations.  We 
have  already  derived  many  valuable  drugs  from  that  quar- 
ter ; but  thefe,  like  the  woods,  have  been  accidentally 
difcovered,  while  others  ftili  more  valuable,  are  yet  in 
embryo. 

The  firft,  that  were  the  objects  of  commerce,  were 
gum  fenegal,  fanguis  draconis,  almonds,  and  afterwards 
palm  oil. 

In  procefs  of  time  the  virtues  of  gum  copal  were  dif- 
covered by  the  French,  who  imported  it  into  their  own 
country.  We  v/ere  not  long  unacquinted  with  this 
event,  or  with  the  advantages  that  refulted  from  the 
difcovery.  We  endeavoured  to  obtain  a defcription  of 
the  tree  that  produced  it,  and,  having  fucceeded  in  our 
attempts,  pointed  it  out  to  the  natives,  and  brought  its 
produce  home. 

The  next  that  were  brought  to  light,  were  gum  rubrum 
aftringens,  and  gum  euphorbium.  Thefe  continued  to 
be  the  laft  on  the  lift,  till  the  year  1786,  when  gum 
guaiacum  made  its  appearance  from  the  ccaft. 


All 


African  Slave  Trade. 


J3 


All  thcfe  articles,  or  at  leaft  fpecimens  of  them,  have  been 
brought  from  thence  into  this  country,  and  we  have  there- 
fore a pofitive  proof  of  their  exiftence  there.  I cannot 
fay,  however,  that  they  have  been  regularly  brought.  In 
fome  years  not  more  than  two  or  three,  and  in  others  little 
more  than  fpecimens  of  them  have  been  colleftcd ; no 
regular  plan,  as  in  other  trades,  having  been  yet  eftablifhed 
there;  nor  would  any  fuch  plan  be  likely  to  be  attended 
with  fuccefs,  whilft  the  Jlave  trade  engrofl'esour  attention. 

Without  mentioning  the  variety  of  drugs  that  might  be 
brought  from  Africa,  I ihall  immediately  point  out  the 
advantages  of  having  them  from  thence. 

It  is  clear  that  all  thofe,  which  we  obtain  from  Spanifh 
America  and  the  Brazils,  are  clogged  with  an  expence, 
that  would  be  avoided  in  having  them  from  the  other  quar- 
ter. In  the  firft  place  there  is  a double  freightage,  and  in 
the  fecond,  commiffion,  both  of  which  would  be  faved 
were  we  to  import  them  immediately  from  the  coaft.  The 
importer  too  would  procure  them  at  a lefs  rate  from  hence, 
than  even  from  the  Eaft  Indies  or  Turkey,  which  arc  the 
only  remaining  places,  from  which  he  collects  them  at 
prefent. 

I come  now  to  the  peppers  of  Africa.  The  firft,  that 
was  difeovered  or  imported,  was  malaguetta,  or  grains  of 
Paradife.  This  has  now  become  an  article  of  trade,  and 
is  regularly  brought  to  us,  either  by  the  wood  or  Have 
veflels,  every  year. 

The  fecond  was  the  long  pepper.  A few  barrels  of 
this  have  been  occafionallv  imported,  but  in  fuch  fmall 
quantities,  as  fcarcely  to  deferve  notice. 

The  third  was  the  black  pepper.  This  was  found  to  be 
of  a greater  pungency,  and  of  a finer  flavour  than  the 
Afiatic.  Two  caiks  of  it  were  brought  to  England 
about  fix  years  ago  : and  this,  I believe,  was  the  only 
fpecimen  from  the  coaft  ever  exhibited  in  this  country. 

The  fourth  was  the  cayenne.  A captain  of  one  of  the 
wood  veflels  procured  a lmall  quantity  of  it,  and  brought 
it  home  in  the  year  1787. 

1 have  hitherto  mentioned  fuch  of  the  African  peppers, 
as  being  fimilar  to  thofe  from  other  quarters  now  in  ufe, 
are  known  by  name.  There  was  one,  however,  dif- 
eovered 


14 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


covered  about  twenty  years  ago  on  the  fame  coaft,  with 
the  name  of  which  not  any  perfon,  to  whom  it  was 
fhewn,  was  at  all  acquainted.  It  was  brought  to  Liver- 
pool in  a (lave  vefiel,  and  preferved  ; and  was  of  fuch  un- 
common fragrance  and  flavour,  as  to  have  retained  its 
qualities  to  the  prefent  day, 

This  account  of  the  preceding  articles,  but  particularly 
that  of  the  latter,  will  give  the  reader  an  additional  proof 
of  the  riches  to  be  found  in  the  African  foil.  He  will  fee 
the  great  advantages,  which  would  refult  from  a trade  in 
thefe  alone.  But  he  will  never  be  able  to  eftimate  the  lofs 
which  we  fuftain  by  the  trade  in  Jlaves , which  hinders  the 
country  from  being  farther  explored,  and  thofe  inexhaufti- 
•ble  treafures  from  coming  forth,  which  are  now  buried 
and  concealed. 

The  next  article  is  that  of  fpices. 

The  only  fpices  that  have  been  yet  found  in  Africa, 
are  the  caflia  or  wild  cinnamon,  which  is  plentiful,  and 
the  nutmeg,  of  wdiic'n  a few  folitary  plants  have  been  dif- 
covered.  Thefe  were  moftly  in  a wild  and  unimproved 
ffate  ; but  by  proper  care  and  attention,  there  is  no  doubt, 
but  that  they  might  be  brought  to  as  great  perfection,  as 
thofe  in  any  other  place. 

The  Dutch  fupplv  us  at  prefent  with  thefe  articles. 
They  have  become  of  late  very  exorbitant  in  their  de- 
mands, and,  were  they  itill  to  increafe  their  prices,  we 
fhould  be  obliged  to  fubmit,  as  they  have  a monopoly  of 
this  trade. 

Were  our  attention  turned  to  the  encouragement  of 
thefe  articles  upon  the  coaft,  it  is  clear  that  we  might  be 
the  importers  of  our  own  fpices,  and  break  the  monopoly 
or  the  Dutch. 

The  great  advantages  that  would  arife  from  having  them 
from  this  quarter,  fha'l  immediately  be  pointed  out.  The 
difference  in  a voyage  only  from  England  to  Africa  and 
back,  and  from  Holland  to  the  Moluccas  and  back,  is  at 
leaft  fixteen  thoufand  miles.  The  wages  of  feamen  em- 
ployed of  courfe  fo  much  longer  in  this  voyage  than  in  the 
other,  the  greater  confumption  of  provifions,  and  wear 
and  tear  of  fhips,  clearly  point  out,  that  if  the  Dutch 
were  to  lower  their  prefent  prices  to  one  ha'/,  thefe  articles 

W'ould 


African  Slave  Trade. 


15 


would  not  come  into  our  hands  at  fo  cheap  a rate  from 
thence,  as  thofe  which  would  be  imported  from  Africa. 
Now  if  we  add  to  this  the  confiderations  of  double 
freightage,  infurance,  and  commiflion,  and  that  the  fpices 
of  Africa  would  be  cultivated  by  free  men,  whereas  in 
the  Moluccas  they  are  cultivated  by  flaves,  it  is  a matter 
capable  of  proof,  that  we  fhould  import  them  from  that 
continent  for  one  fifth  of  their  prefent  price. 

There  is  yet  one  circumftance,  of  great  importance, 
which  ought  never  to  be  forgotten.  We  pay  for  the 
greateft  part  of  thefe  articles  at  prefent  in  jnoney.  Were 
the  trade  alluded  to  eftablifhed  in  Africa,  wc  fhould  pay 
for  them  in  our  manufafturcs. 

SECTION  III. 

Among  the  other  articles,  which  the  African  continent 
produces,  are  tobacco,  rice,  and  indigo,  each  of  which 
would  form  of  itfelf  a diftinct  and  valuable  branch  of 
trade. 

Tobacco  is  to  be  found  in  almoft  every  divifion  of  this 
continent  in  the  greateft  luxuriance,  and,  from  the  pecu- 
liar richnefs  of  the  foil,  is  fuperior  in  quality  to  that 
which  America  produces. 

Rice  is  to  be  found  in  moft  parts  of  Africa,  but  grows 
fo  luxuriantly  on  the  grain  coaft  in  particular,  that  a 
fupply  might  be  drawn  from  thence  fufficient  for  all  the 
markets  of  Europe.  It  is  extraordinary,  that  this  rice 
fhould  be  finer  in  flavour,  of  a greater  fubftance,  more 
wholefome  and  capable  of  prefervation,  than  the  rice  of 
any  other  country  whatever,  and  that  in  every  point  of 
view,  it  fhould  be  fuperior  to  the  reft. 

Nor  is  the  indigo  of  Africa,  with  which  that  continent 
abounds,  lefs  conlpicuous  for  its  pre-eminence  in  colour. 
The  blue  is  fo  much  more  beautiful  and  permanent  than 
that  which  is  extracted  from  the  fame  plant  in  other 
parts,  that  many  have  been  led  to  doubt,  whether  the 
African  cloths,  brought  into  this  country,  were  dyed  with 
indigo  or  not.  They  apprehended  that  the  colour  in 
hefe,  which  became  more  beautiful  upon  wafhing,  mufit 

have 


16  On  the  Impolicy  of  the 

have  proceeded  from  another  weed,  or  have  been  an 
extraction  from  fome  of  the  woods,  which  are  celebrated 
for  dying  there.  The  matter,  however,  has  been  clearly 
afcertained.  A gentleman  procured  two  or  three  of  the 
balls  which  had  been  juft  prepared  by  the  Africans  for 
ufe.  He  brought  them  home,  and,  upon  examination, 
found  them  to  be  the  leaves  of  indigo  rolled  up,  and  in  a 
very  fimple  ftate. 

The  reader  may  imagine  by  my  account  of  the  produc- 
tions of  Africa  hitherto  named,  and  by  my  ftatement  of 
their  fuperiority  to  others,  that  I have  been  rather  dealing 
in  fiction,  than  defcribing  their  real  ftate.  But  it  is  well 
known  that  Africa  pofieftes  the  molt  fertile  foil  of  any  in 
the  globe  : and  I appeal  to  thofe  who  have  vifited  this 
coaft,  and  to  fome  of  the  manufacturing  towns  in  this 
kingdom,  if  my  aftertions  are  not  ftridtly  true  ; if  the 
rice  of  Africa  is  not  beyond  all  others  in  point  of  flavour, 
fubftance,  and  capacity  of  prefervation  ; and  if  the  indigo 
is  not  of  that  beautiful,  permanent  nature,  as  to  have  a 
title  to  the  pre-eminence  afcribed. 

I Shall  now  obferve,  that  the  two  firft  articles  are  ob- 
tained at  prefent  from  America  ; the  laft  in  part  from  the 
fame  place,  and  in  part  from  the  Britifli  colonies,  and 
thofe  of  foreign  nations. 

This  being  premifed,  the  advantages  that  would  refult 
from  having  them  from  Africa,  will  eafily  appear. 

In  the  firft  place  it  is  clear  by  the  observations  made, 
that  all  the  three  articles  are  at  prefent  produced  by  the 
labour  of  llaves.  In  Africa  they  would  be  produced  by 
freemen,  a circumftance,  which  would  bring  them  into 
the  hands  of  the  merchant  and  manufacturer,  cheaper  by 
one  third. 

There  are  alfo  additional  circumftances,  peculiar  to  two 
of  them,  which  would  have  the  fame  tendency. 

In  America  rice  generally  grows  in  fwampy  places, 
which  are  deftruCtive  to  the  health  of  the  cultivators,  all 
which  cultivators  are  to  be  Succeeded,  if  theyperifh,  at  a 
great  expenfe.  There  are  plantations,  however,  which 
are  Situated  upon  drier  land : but  thefe  are  contigious  to 
the  banks  of  rivers,  and  require  to  be  occafionally  over- 
flowed. For  this  purpofe  flood-gates  are  conftructed, 


African  Slave  Trade. 


17 


2nd,  below  thefe,  others  of  the  fame  kind,  that  the  water 
p 1 be  t.'ken  off  at  difcretion  : otherwife  the  crops  would 
be  inevitably  deftro/ed.  The  conftruction  and  repair  of 
thefe  muft  add  confiderably  to  the  expence.  The  African 
ri  e,  on  the  other  hand,  grows  on  the  hilly  parts,  neither 
e;;a.  tiering  the  health  of  the  cultivator,  nor  requiring 
any  other  moifturc  or  overflowing  than  the  ufual  rain. 

indigo  alfo  is  prejudicial  to  the  health  of  thofe  who 
manufacture  it.  This  is  occafioned  by  the  offenfivenefs 
of  the  effluvia,  which  arife  from  it  at  that  time.  Now 
as  thefe  manufacturers  are  Jlaves , it  is  impoffible  that  the 
proprietors  of  them  can  furnifh  it  at  fo  cheap  a rate,  as 
thofe  who  would  employ  free  men,  and  who,  in  the  cafe 
of  the  death  of  their  labourers,  could  renew  them  with- 
out expence. 

Another  circumftance,  worthy  of  confideration,  is  this, 
that  a confiderable  portion  of  human  life  would  be  faved, 
not  only  becaufe  free  men  would  have  contrivances,  which 
are  not  fo  much  as  thought  of  for  Haves,  but  becaufe  the 
Africans  have  a method  of  preparing  this  article  for  ufe 
with  but  little  detriment  to  their  health  ; fo  that  whether  it 
were  to  be  manufactured  by  flavcs,  or  free  men,  it  would 
come  with  the  higheft  profpedt  of  gain  from  this  quarter. 

I muft  not  forget  to  add,  that  where  we  obtain  indigo 
from  the  colonifts  of  foreign  nations,  there  is  a double 
freightage,  infurance,  and  commiffion,  all  which  would  be 
faved,  were  the  article  to  be  brought  to  us  from  the  coaft. 

With  thefe  advantages  then  in  particular,  and  addi- 
tionally with  thofe  of  free  labour  which  have  been  ftated, 
it  is  clear,  that  Africa  would  afford  the  cheapeft  market 
to  the  merchant  and  manufacturer,  from  whence  they 
could  derive  the  three  articles  deferibed  ; and  that  the 
good  effects  of  thus  changing  the  place  of  export  would, 
in  prccefs  of  time,  be  fo  conlpicuous,  as  to  give  us  rea- 
fonto  hope,  that  the  nation  would  foonbe  reiir.burfed  for 
the  treafures  expended  in  the  lofs  of  America. 

If  there  is  any  other  advantage  to  be  apprehended  from 
the  change,  it  muft  be  this — Our  trade  with  America, 
ftnee  the  late  peace,  has  been  rather  a detriment  than  a 
gain.  In  confequcnce  of  the  unprincipled  conduCt  of 

many 


i8 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


many  of  the  Americans,  the  merchant  here  has  been 
ruined,  the  manufacturer  has  fhared  his  fate,  and  numbers 
have  felt  thefhock.  Under  thcfe  di  fad  vantages,  wemufl 
Hill  continue  to  trade  with  them,  bccaufe  we  want  their 
commodities.  From  Africa,  we  might  derive  the  fame 
articles,  but  in  greater  perfection,  and  with  no  rifle.  The 
merchant  would  receive  for  his  goods  a cargo,  more  va- 
luable than  that  which  hefent  there,  and  would  of  courfe 
have  no  neceflity  to  give  credit,  or  to  be  uneafy,  as  in 
the  prefent  pofture  of  affairs,  about  remittances  for  his 
debts. 


SECTION  IV. 

Though  I have  already  mentioned  many  valuable  pro- 
ductions of  the  coaft,  others  {till  remain  to  be  fpoken  of. 
Upon  thefe,  however,  I (hall  not  expatiate,  except  upon 
cotton,  an  article  of  too  much  importance  to  this  country 
to  be  mentioned  in  general  terms. 

That  the  reader  may  form  a notion  of  this  importance, 
I fhall  inform  him  that  twenty  millions  of  pounds  were 
brought  into  Great  Britain  for  the  ufe  of  our  manufactures 
in  the  year  1786.  I fhall  inform  him  alfo  that  two  pounds 
of  cotton,  which  coft  the  manufacturer  fix  (hillings,  are 
worth,  when  manufactured  into  muflin,  about  five  pounds 
in  the  grots.  What  a prodigious  advantage  to  this  coun- 
try, that  fo  fmall  a portion  of  this  article  fhould  give  birth 
to  fo  much  labour  and  profit  as  is  equivolent  to  the  fum 
now  fpecified  ! 

Cotton  is  to  be  found  in  alinoft  every  divifion  of  the 
coaft  of  Africa,  It  is  moffly  in  a wild  and  uncultivated 
Hate.  The  natives  however  collect  it  for  their  own  ufe, 
and  work  it  up  into  thofe  beautiful  cloths,  which  are  in 
fuch  eftimation  for  their  foft  and  filkv  appearance.  A few 
pounds  of  it  has  be£n  occafionally  brought  into  England 
in  the  ftate  deferibed.  Neverthelefs,  they  have  claimed 
the  preference  at  our  markets,  and  have  fetched  their 
price. 

To  {hew  the  value  of  this  article  from  the  coaft,  I 
fhall  ftate  the  rank,  which  the  cotton  of  different  countries 
holds  with  the  manufacturers  of  the  prefent  day,  who  have 

feen 


African  Slave  Trade. 


19 

fecn  fpecimens  of  it  from  almoft  every  place,  where  it  can 
be  produced. 

It  is  a curious  circumftance,  but  it  has  been  eftablifhed 
by  the  experience  of  many  years,  that  continents  produce 
the  fined:  cotton,  and  that  the  larger  the  ifland,  and  of 
courfe  the  nearer  they  approximate  to  continents,  the  finer 
is  the  cotton  there.  In  the  firft  clafs  is  reckoned  the 
Perfian  and  African.  In  the  fecond  that  from  the  Brazils 
Siam,  andSurinam.  In  the  third  that  from  St.  Domingo; 
and  in  the  fourth  that  from  the  Britifh  Weft-Indialflands. 

From  this  account,  the  advantage  of  having  cotton 
from  Africa,  from  whence  we  derive  little  more  than  fpe- 
cimens at  prefent,  muft  appear.  It  is  of  the  utmoft  im- 
portance to  the  maiufaddurers  of  muflin  that  their  cotton 
fhould  be  fine.  Their  complaint  is,  that  the  very  fined:  of 
that,  which  they  get  from  the  prefent  markets,  is  not 
equal  to  their  wifines.  Could  the  Perfian  or  African  be 
obtained,  they  would  efteem  them  an  invaliable  treafure. 

But  though  the  fine  quality  of  the  African  cotton  would 
render  the  importation  of  it  fo  definable  to  our  manufac- 
turers, yet  the  eafy  rate  at  which  it  could  be  procured, 
would  be  an  objedl  of  great  magnitude. 

As  the  chief  part  of  the  cotton  brought  to  us  at  prefent 
comes  from  the  colonies  of  other  nations,  I ihall  name  one 
of  thefe  to  fliew  the  difference  of  the  expence  at  which  it 
could  be  brought  from  thence  and  from  the  other  quarter. 

The  cotton,  which  we  have  from  the  Brazils,  is  firft 
(hipped  for  Portugal,  where  it  is  unloaded,  and  kept  for 
fale.  A part  of  it  is  then  refhipped,  on  demand,  and 
brought  here. 

In  this  cafe  it  is  clear,  that  double  freightage,  double 
infurance,  and  commifiion,  are  to  be  charged  upon  it. 

In  the  fecond  place  itpays  on  exportation  from  Portugal 
a duty  of  five  per  cent. 

In  the  third  it  is  cultivated  by  flaves. 

Thefe  circumftances  are  of  fuch  importance,  that,  in 
making  the  efti mate,  it  appears  that  the  Britifh  merchant 
could  obtain  as  much  cotton  from  Africa  for  fifty-feven 
pounds,  as  he  procures  at  prefent  for  an  hundred  from 
the  colony  now  mentioned. 

C 


In 


20 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


In  making  this  eftimate,  it  is  clear,  that  I have  not 
felected  a place  that  would  be  the  moft  favourable  to  mv 
defign  : for  the  cotton  that  comes  to  us  by  the  way  of 
France,  is  not  only  chargeable  with  the  fame  kind  of 
expenfes,  but  inftead  of  five , pays  twelve  per  cent,  on 
exportation. 

I cannot  clofe  * my  account  of  this  article,  without 
mentioning  that  cotton,  crimfon  in  the  pod,  is  to  be  found 
in  Africa.  It  grows  principally  in  the  Eyeo  country,  and 
is  to  be  feen  in  many  of  the  Whidah  cloths.  A fmall 
fpecimen  of  it  was  brought  home  in  the  year  1786. 

The  value  of  this  cotton  would  be  great  both  to  the 
importer,  and  manufacturer  of  muflins.  The  former 
would  immediately  receive  eight  (billings  for  a pound  of 
it,  and  the  latter  would  gain  confiderably  more  by  his  in- 
genuity and  tafte.  He  might  work  it  up  into  the  white 
cotton  in  delicate  fpots  and  figures,  and  as  both  would  be 
of  their  natural  colour,  no  inconvenience  would  arife 
from  wafinng. 

The  difcovery  of  this  article  affords  an  additional  proof 
of  the  numberlefs  treafures  of  the  African  foil,  and  gives 
us  reafon  to  expeCt,  that,  if  that  continent  were  explored, 
we  (hould  find  fuch  curious  and  valuable  productions,  as, 
if  related  at  prefent,  would  almoft  be  beyond  our  belief. 

SECTION  V. 

If  the  reader  were  to  be  aficedi  what  he  could  colleCt 
from  the  preceding  feCtions,  (allowing  the  different  (late- 
ments  to  be  true)  he  would  fay,  that  Africa  abounded 
with  many  valuable  commodities  ; that  it  would  be  much 
more  to  our  intreft  to  deal  in  thefe,  than  in  (laves  ; that 
the  (lave  trade  had  been  hithertoan  infuperable  impediment 
to  the  introduction  of  a new  commerce  in  the  commodities 
deferibed  ; and  that  an  opportunity  would  prefent  itfelf  of 

* Befides  the  natural  produdlions  already  named,  are  to  be  reckoned 
Elver,  wool,  fkins,  Vermillion,  quickfilver,  mufk,  filk  grafs,  capficum, 
the  fugar  cane,  the  doom -wood,  (which  the  worm  never  enters)  and  a 
variety  of  other  articles,  upon  which  I have  no  time  to  expatiate. 

repaying 


African  Slave  Trade. 


21 


repaying  us  for  the  lofs  of  America,  were  it  once  aboliHied. 
Thefe  with  other  inferences  he  would  immediately  deduce. 

. Though  thefe  conclufions  are  fo  HriCtly  to  be  drawn 
from  the  fails  laid  down,  yet  it  would  be  unpardonable  to 
withhold  the  fentiments  of  a pcrfon  on  this  occafion  from 
whom  they  muH  receive  fuch  additional  weight. 

It  is  remarkable,  that  the  late  Mr.  PoHlethwayt,  the 
celebrated  author  of  the  dictionary  on  trade  and  commerce, 
fhould,  in  a pamphlet  which  he  publilhed  in  the  year  1748, 
not  only  endeavour  to  fhew  the  policy  of  the  llave  trade, 
but  attempt  its  jujlif cation  •,  and  that  the  fame  perfon  hav- 
ing afterwards  made  commerce  his  peculiar  fludy,  and 
being  enabled  to  judge  better  of  the  nature  of  this  trade, 
from  having  been  a member  of  the  African  Committee, 
Ibould  totally  alter  his  fentiments  both  with  refpeCt  to  the 
policy  and  juftice  of  it. 

In  his  dictionary,  which  was  a fubfequaint  publication 
to  that  before  mentioned,  he  Hates,  that  in  Africa  are  to  be 
procured  gold,  filver,  copper,  corn,  rice,  gums,  ivory, 
cotton,  wax,  civet,  oHrich  feathers,  dying  woods,  and 
other  valuable  commodities. 

Among  the  queflions,  which  he  afterwards  Hates,  I 
feleCt  the  following. 

“ Whether  it  would  not  be  more  to  the  intcrcjl  of  all 
“ the  European  nations,  concerned  in  the  trade  to  Africa, 
“ rather  to  endeavour  to  cultivate  a friendly,  humane,  and 

civilized  commerce  with  thofe  people  into  the  very 
“ centre  of  their  extended  country,  than  to  content  them- 
<l  felves  only  with  fkimming  a trifling  portion  of  trade  on 
“ the  fea  coafls.” 

“ Whether  the  greatejl  hindrance  and  objlrudlion  to  the 
u Europeans  cultivating  an  humane  and  chriHian-like 
“ commerce  with  thofe  populous  countries  has  not  wholly 
‘c  proceeded  from  that  unjujl , unhuman , and  unchrijlian-like 
“ traffic  k,  called  the  Jlavc  trade , which  is  carried  on  by  the 
“ Europeans.” 

There  are  fcarce  any  productions,  he  adds,  “ in  all 
“ our  Britifh  American  pofieffions,  but  might  be  culti- 
“ vated  on  the  continent  of  Africa  ; and  if  ever  we 
“ Hiould  be  unhappy  enough  to  be  difpoffirJJ'ed  of  them , 

“ our 


22  On  the  Impolicy  of  the 

“ our  trade  in  this  part  of  the  world  might  contribute  to 

“ make  us  compenfation.” 

Having  ftated  thcfe  circumffances,  only  by  way  of  con- 
firmation, I fhall  immediately  recur  to  the  queftion,  as 
Hated  in  the  early  part  of  the  prefent  chapter,  and  decide 
upon  it  accordingly. 

It  was  faid  there,  that  Africa  had  two  forts  of  corn- 
mod- ties  to  offer  us, — her  natural  productions — and  her 
ffaves  ; and  that  the  queftion  was  in  which  of  the  two, 
confidered  abffraCtedly  by  themfelves,  it  would  be  moft 
politic  to  deal. 

The  former  have  already  been  ftated,  and  it  appears 
that,  viewed  as  they  have  been  in  this  abftraCted  light, 
they  would  afford  an  inexhauftible  mine  of  wealth  to  our 
dyers  and  artificers  in  wood  ; that  they  would  enable  us 
to  break  the  monopoly  of  the  Dutch  ; would  repay  us  for 
the  lofs  of  America  ; be  the  cheapeft  market  for  all  forts 
of  raw  materials  for  our  manufacturers;  and  abound  with 
other  national  advantages. 

The  latter  are  now  to  be  balanced  again!?  thefe,  as 
articles  of  commerce  : Will  any  perfon  come  forward  and 
fay,  that,  confidered  in  the  fame  abftraCted  light,  they  are 
productive  of  one  national  advantage  ? The  mod  that  he 
can  fay,  will  be,  that  they  are  of  benefit  but  to  a few 
individuals , and  thofe  fo  infinitely  few,  when  compared 
with  thofe  who  would  be  benefited  and  enriched  by  the 
former,  that  he  would  be  affiamed  of  the  comparifon. 

If  the  Have  trade  then,  when  ftripped  of  its  appendages, 
is  attended  with  no  emolument  to  the  public  ; if,  moreo- 
ver, it  hinders  the  introduction  of  one,  to  which,  if  it 
were  compared  in  the  fame  light,  it  would  be  like  an 
ijland  to  a continent , or  a river  to  a Jca,  it  is  furely,  of  all 
others,  the  moil  impolitic  trade  that  this  country  can  car- 
ry on. 


CHAP.  II. 


African  Slave  Trade. 


2 3 


CHAP.  II. 

SECTION  I. 

Having  made  an  inquiry  in  the  preceding  chapter, 
whether  it  would  be  more  to  the  benefit  of  the  public-  to 
trade  in  the  natural  productions  of  the  country,  or  in 
Haves,  I fhall  now  inquire  which  of  the  two  would  be  of 
greater  emolument  to  individuals  ; for  this  argument  has 
been  alfo  ftarted,  and  the  policy  has  been  inferred  from  the 
profits  of  the  trade. 

There  are  two  or  three  criterions,  by  which  a valuable 
trade  may  be  afcertained.  Thefe  are  little  rifque,  quick 
returns,  and  a large  profit.  To  this  ftandard  then  I fhall 
refer  the  trade  in  flaves. 

There  was  never,  perhaps,  a trade  more  difadvanta- 
geous,  in  the  firft  inftance,  than  that  which  I am  now 
confidering.  The  competition  upon  the  coaft  is  at  prefent 
great,  and  the  goods  which  a vefi'el  takes  for  the  purchafe 
of  a certain  number  of  fiaves,  may  not,  from  this  circum- 
fiance,  be  adequate  to  the  purchafe  of  three-fourths  of  the 
rated  number:  fo  that  the  merchant,  in  the  firft  place, 
may  buy  them  dearer  than  his  calculations,  and  find  an 
immediate  and  confiderable  diminution  of  his  profit,  if 
not  the  certainty  of  a lofs. 

Another  circumftance,  and  the  moft  important  of  all 
that  renders  this  commerce  peculiarly  hazardous,  is  the 
mortality  that  may  arife  among  the  fiaves,  both  during 
their  ftay  upon  the  coaft,  and  the  middle  paflage.  If  they 
are  treated  ever  fo  well,  if  every  attention  is  paid  to  their 
convenience,  or  their  wants,  it  is  often  impoftible  to  pre- 
vent it,  or  to  fay,  when  it  begins,  where  it  is  likely  to 
end,  or  in  what  proportion  they  will  be  loft  : and  that 
fome  veft'elshave  loft  more  than  two- thirds  of  their  fiaves, 
the  annals  of  Liverpool  will  evince. 

A third  circumftance  is  this,  that  when  they  arrive  in 
the  Weft-Indies,  the  markets  may  have  been  glutted,  or 
fuch  a number  of  fhips  may  be  there  at  the  fame  time, 
that  they  mull  either  beat  about  to  the  different  ifiands, 
and  lofe  more  of  them  by  ficknels,  or  fell  them  lower 

than 


24 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


than  the  average  rate,  calculated  at  the  beginning  of  the 
voyage. 

A fourth  is  the  length  of  the  date,  before  the  bills,  in 
which  they  are  paid  for,  become  due. — Thefe  bills  are 
drawn  at  twelve,  eighteen,  twenty-four,  and  thirty-fix 
months  after  fight.  They  give  time  of  courfe  for  many 
difagreeable  circumftances  to  intervene.  Add  to  this, 
that  they  are  fometimes  returned  for  want  of  payment, 
even  when  this  period  has  elapfed. 

This  being  the  cafe,  it  is  clear,  that  there  are  four 
circumftances,  concomitant  on  this  trade,  that  confpire 
to  render  it  of  all  others  the  moft  hazardous.  Thefe  have 
occafioned  it  to  be  juftly  diftinguiflied  by  the  appellation 
of  a lottery.  Upon  this  principle,  moft  of  its  promoters 
have  embarked  in  it;  fometo  be  rich  onafudden,  others, 
on  their  laft  legs,  to  retrieve  their  affairs  by  one  fortunate 
voyage.  This  is  the  only  light,  in  which  it  is  to  be 
viewed  with  propriety ; for  they  who  embark  in  it  are 
as  much  adventurers  as  thofe,  who,  to  anfwer  the  fame 
end,  have  recourfe  to  the  games  of  chance. 

With  refpedt  to  a quick  return,  which  is  the  very  life  of 
commerce,  no  trade  was  ever  fo  difadvantageous,  as  that 
in  flaves.  The  average  time  of  a voyage  is  one  year. 
At  the  expiration  of  this  period,  the  veflel  returns.  On 
infpcCting  the  bills,  which  are  brought  home,  and  which 
have  been  received  for  the  flaves,  it  appears,  that  they  are 
not  payable,  on  an  average,  till  two  years  after  light. 
The  merchant,  therefore,  cannot  enjoy  the  profits  of  his 
voyage  till  three  years  after  he  has  fent  his  veflel  to  the 
coaft. 

In  the  interim  he  is  called  upon  to  pay  for  the  goods, 
which  he  has  fhipped.  In  fix  months  his  bill  for  fpirits 
is  brought  him,  though  in  one  of  our  ports,  it  muft  be 
paid  for  on  delivery.  In  fourteen  he  muft  account  for  his 
Eaft-Indianaffortments,  and  in  eighteen  for  thofe  ofMan- 
chefter  and  Birmingham;  fo  that  he  muft  pay  for  the 
whole  of  his  cargo  a year  and  an  half  before  he  can  de- 
rive any  benefit  from  his  returns.  This  occafions  him 
often  to  be  fo  diftrefled,  that  the  manufacturer  is  put  off. 
A credit  of  fix  months  longer  is  folicited.  To  hear  the 

pitiful 


African  Slave  Trade. 


25 


pitiful  tales  he  tells,  and  the  wretched  excufes  he  makes, 
on  thefe  occafions,  is  truly  difgufting.  This  is  furely  not 
a trade  for  the  manufacturers  of  Great-Britain ; and  that 
I have  been  defcribing  the  real  fituation  of  things,  is  but 
too  well  known  to  thofe  who  have  felt  it. 

With  refped  to  the  real  profit  of  the  trade,  I might 
appeal  to  thofe  particular  fhips,  with  an  account  of  whofe 
voyages  I have  been  favoured.  Two  of  them,  after  hav- 
ing made  three  vovages  each,  which  took  up  the  fpace  of 
five  years,  left  their  owners  in  debt,  and  obliged  them  to 
relinquifh  the  trade.  Another  cleared  the  fum  of  four 
thoufand  pounds  ; but  the  fame  {hip,  in  her  next  voyage, 
loft  more  than  {he  had  ga/ned  in  the  preceding.  Another 
gained  fifty  per  cent,  btt  her  fucccfs  was  undone  by  a 
fecond,  which  went  out  at  the  fame  time  and  in  the  fame 
employ,  and  loft  in  the  fame  proportion.  Thefe  inftan- 
ces,  however,  being  few,  I {hall  lay  no  ftrefs  upon  them, 
but  recur  to  general  fads. 

The  great  African  company,  which  was  vefted  with 
extraordinary  powers,  and  which  had  every  opportunity 
of  feeling  the  emoluments  of  the  trade,  failed  twice. 

From  the  year  1763  to  the  year  1772  the  London  mer- 
chants avoided  all  kind  of  connedion  with  thofe  of  Li- 
verpool in  this  trade,  from  a convidion  that,  during  that 
time,  it  had  not  been  profecuted  but  with  lofs. 

The  fame  caution  continued  till  the  year  1778;  for 
within  that  fmall  fpace  of  time,  comprizing  only  the  term 
of  fix  years,  the  {lave  merchants  there  failed  for  the  fum 
of  J, 'even  hundred  and  ten  thoufand  pounds , and  the  confequent 
bankruptcies  were  many. 

During  the  American  war,  while  the  price  of  a flave 
was  as  low  as  feven  pounds  on  the  coaft,  and  as  high,  on 
an  average,  as  forty-five  in  the  colonies,  the  adventurer, 
who  efcaped  the  {hips  of  the  enemy,  made  his  fortune. 
But  fince  the  peace,  the  trade  has  returned  to  its  former 
ftate;  and  it  is  confidered  as  a fad,  at  the  ports  where  it 
is  carried  on,  that  it  is  a lofing  trade  at  the  prefent  day : 
-that  is,  if  the  difburfements  and  returns  of  all  the  vefiels, 
that  go  out  in  one  year,  were  to  be  confolidated  on  their 
arrival  home,  ar,d  compared,  the  former  would  be  greater 

than 


26 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


than  the  latter,  and  there  would  of  courfe  be  a deficiency, 
or  balance  againft  the  fum  total  of  the  adventurers  in 
this  trade. 

But  it  will  be  faid,  if  it  be  an  unprofitable  trade,  why 
do  people  embark  it  it,  or  how  does  it  happen,  that  many 
can  be  pointed  out,  who  have  made  their  fortunes  there  ? 

I reply,  that  the  Have  trade  is  a lottery , as  I obferved 
before,  and  that  upon  this  principle  the  phenomenon 
may  be  fatisfactorily  explained. 

It  is  evident  firft,  that  if  a perfon  were  to  become  the 
proprietor  of  all  the  tickets  in  the  wheel,  the  balance 
would  be  greatly  againft  him.  So  alfo,  were  he  to  be 
the  proprietor  of  all  the  fhips  in  the  Have  trade,  he  would 
experience  a confiderable  lofs,  as  his  difburfements  would 
be  then  greater  than  his  returns. 

It  is  clear  alfo,  that  there  are  many  valuable,  prizes  in 
the  lottery,  but  more  blanks.  So  it  is  with  this  trade. 
A few  merchants  have  made  their  fortunes,  but  more  have 
been  lol’ers  by  it.  A few  will  ftill  continue  to  make  them, 
but  many  will  be  ruined. 

But  how  come  they  to  engage  in  it  ? I reply,  why  do 
people  engage  in  the  games  of  chance?  In  ftiort,  in  no 
other  light  can  the  Have  trade  be  viewed,  than  in  that 
deferibed  : and,  the  things  compared  being  both  of  the 
fjme  kind,  any  difficulty  that  occurs  in  the  one,  may  be 
foived  by  referring  it  to  the  other. 

SECTION  II. 

Having  taken  a general  view  of  the  value  of  the  flave 
trade,  by  referring  it  to  the  three  charaiteriftics,  which 
may  be  called  a ftandard  for  commercial  eftimation,  I 
fhall  put  the  commerce  in  the  productions  of  the  coaft 
under  the  fame  trial. 

It  is  clear,  in  the  firft  place,  that  this  commerce  would 
not  be  equally  hazardous  with  the  former;  rice,  indigo, 
tobacco,  fpiccs,  and  other  productions  of  Africa  not  be- 
ing perijhablc  commodities,  like  flaves. 

In  the  fecond  place,  the  merchant  vxuld  receive  his 
returns  in  five  months,  inftead  of  three  years,  from  the 

* failing 


African  Slave  Trade. 


27 


failing  of  his  vefiel  ; and  he  would  be  able  to  turn  them 
into  fpecie  before  he  had  advanced  a {hilling  to,  or  had 
had  a demand  from  the  manufadturer  whom  he  had  em- 
ployed, Nor  would  the  latter  be  Iefs  benefitted  by  the 
change,  as  no  longer  credit  would  be  necefiary,  than  that 
of  eight  months.  Thus  a quick  circulation  of  money 
would  take  place,  and  the  countenance,  inftead  of  ex- 
hibiting marks  of  uneafinefs  and  diftrels,  would  be  cheer- 
ed with  joy. 

In  the  third  place,  the  merchant  in  this  trade  would  fet 
out  with  two  advantages  over  the  merchant  in  the  other. 
His  infurance  would  be  confiderablv  lcfs,  and,  requiring' 
from  the  manufacturer  a credit  only  of  eight  months,  he 
would  fave  five  per  cent,  on  all  the  goods,  which  he 
{hipped;  or  in  other  words,  on  account  of  the  difcount 
allowed  him,  he  would  carry  the  fame  quantity  of  goods 
for  ninety-five  pounds  to  the  lame  coaft,  which  the  Have 
merchant  cannot  carry,  in  the  prefent  fituation  of  things, 
but  for  an  hundred. 

As  to  the  real  profit  which  he  would  have  on  the  arti- 
cles brought  home,  fome  hints  have  been  given  in  the  pre- 
ceding chapter.  For  bringing  them  to  a market,  where, 
thofe  of  the  fame  kind,  which  come,  are  chargeable  with 
a double  freightage,  commiffion,  and  the  labour  of  Haves, 
his  profits  muft  be  immenfe. 

If  the  comparifon  is  to  be  extended  farther,  I may  add, 
that  while  the  veflel  of  the  Have  merchant  is  performing 
one  voyage,  that  of  the  other  would  perform  two : fo  that 
if  the  Have  trade  were  highly  profitable,  and  one  voyage 
in  that  line  were  twice  more  advantageous  than  one  in 
the  other,  they  would  be  reduced  to  an  equality  by  this 
circumftance  alone. 

If  then  it  appears,  by  referring  the  two  trades  to  the 
fame  ftandard,  that  the  trade  in  the  natural  productions  of 
the  country  would  be  more  valuable  to  individuals,  (and 
its  benefits  more  extenfively  felt)  than  the  trade  in  Haves, 
an  additional  argument  prefents  itfelf  againft  the  policy  of 
the  latter,  fince  it  is  not  only  hazardous,  How  in  its  re- 
turns, and  in  the  aggregate  unprofitable,  but  hinders  the 
introduction  of  one,  which  would  be  attended  with  the 
tppofste  effects. 


E 


CHAP.  III. 


28 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


CHAP.  III. 

Before  I proceed,  I rriuft  paufe  for  a little  time,  to  take 
notice  of  an  argument,  v/hich  may  have  already  fuggefted 
itfelf  to  the  reader,  and  which,  if  it  does  not  meet  with  a 
replication  here,  may  be  confidered  as  rendering  the  whole 
of  my  former  obfervations  of  no  eftedt. 

It  is  faid?  and  it  is  ftrongly  infilled  upon  by  the  advo- 
cates for  the  trade  in  Haves,  that  it  is  politic , becaufe  it 
engrofi'es  the  attention  of  the  Africans,  and  hinders  them 
from  cultivating  fuch  of  the  productions  of  their  own  foil, 
as  would  interfere  with  thofe  of  our  own  colonies . 

Now,  if  this  would  actually  be  the  cafe,  if  the  produc- 
tions of  Africa,  mentioned  in  the  firlt  chapter,  would 
clafh  with  thofe  of  our  kindred  ftates,  it  would  be  highly 
improper,  in  the  eye  of  the  politician , to  introduce  the 
other  trade,  however  valuable  it  might  appear.  I fay  in 
the  eye  of  the  politician , becaufe  his  argument  with  the 
morati/l  is  exactly  this: — “I  have  afield  fown  with  a 
particular  grain,  which  yields  me  fome  advantages. — 
Another  perfon  has  unfortunately  the  fame  kind  of  grain 
in  his  pofteffion.  If  he  fows  it,  his  productions  will  clafh 
with  mine.  I muft  therefore  procure  him  to  be  kidnap- 
ped, or  I muft  excite  diflenfions  in  his  family,  that  will 
keep  him  engaged,  or  fend  him  out  of  the  way.” 

However,  as  it  is  termed  a good  political  argument, 
and  as  it  might  tend  to  fet  afide  the  obfervations  made  in 
the  preceding  chapters,  I feel  myfelf  called  upon  to  reply 
to  it  in  the  prefent  place. 

With  refpecl  to  the  woods  of  Africa,  it  is  probable  that 
the  article  cf  mahogany,  if  imported  from  that  quarter, 
would  clafh  in  fome  meafure  with  that  which  would  be 
brought  from  the  Bay  of  Honduras.  When  I have  allow- 
ed this,  I may  take  upon  me  to  fay,  that  there  is  no  other 
article  from  the  coaft,  which  would  interfere  with  thofe 
produced  in  our  own  colonies. 

It  is  certain  that  thofe  for  dying,  and  mod  of  thofe 
for  cabinet  and  other  work,  would  not  be  liable  to  the 
objection,  becaufe  thpre  are  no  woods,  as  yet  difeovered 

on 


African  Slave  Trade. 


29 

on  the  face  of  the  globe,  that  are  of  the  fame  properties 
or  kind. 

The  drugs,  which  we  procure  at  prefent,  are  imported 
from  the  following  places,  viz.  the  Britifh  Eaft-Indies, 
Turkey,  the  Brazils  through  the  medium  of  Portugal, 
and  South  America,  through  that  of  Spain. 

It  is  unneceftary  to  make  any  farther  ftatement  than 
this,  as  there  are  three  places  out  of  four,  from  whence 
we  derive  them  that  are  foreign. 

The  next  article  of  the  new  commerce  would  be  that 
of  Spices.  All  thefe  are  at  prefent  monopolized  by  the 
Dutch. 

The  tobacco,  which  we  import,  is  principally  obtained 
from  two  places,  Virginia  and  Maryland.  Thefe,  by  the 
late  revolution,  are  foreign  ftates.  A ftnall  quantity  is, 
however,  cultivated  in  the  Britifh  Welt-India  iflands, 
but  this  is  generally  for  plantation  ufe,  and  if  we  except  a 
few  hogfheads  brought  to  us  from  St.  Vincents,  it  may 
be  faid  that  this  article,  if  produced  in  Africa,  would  not 
at  all  interfere  with  the  produdtions  of  our  prefent  co- 
lonies. 

With  refpedi  to  rice  a few  words  will  be  fulficient.  It 
is  brought  to  us  from  Carolina  and  Georgia,  and  in  fuch 
a proportion,  that  ninety-nine  parts  in  an  hundred  come 
to  us  from  thofe  ftates. 

The  Indigo,  which  is  imported  into  this  country,  is 
procured  from  the  Britifh  Eaft-Indies,  the  Britifh  Weft- 
Indies,  Carolina  and  Georgia,  the  French  Weft-Indies 
by  the  way  of  France,  the  Brazils  by  the  way  of  Portu- 
gal, and  South-America  by  the  way  of  Spain.  The  quan- 
tity annually  imported  from  them  all  is  about  1,350,000 
pounds,  of  which  about  1,000,000  or  more  than  five- 
fevenths  are  the  produce  of  foreign  ftates. 

The  cotton,  which  we  have  obtained  for  fome  time, 
has  been  cultivated  in  the  Britifh  and  French  Weft-In- 
dies, the  Dutch  Eaft-Indian  fettlements,  Turkey,  and  the 
Brazils.  The  whole  quantity  imported  in  the  year  1786, 
was  20,000,000,  pounds.  That  from  the  Britifh  colonies 
5, 1 57,698.  So  that  we  are  under  the  neceility  of  pro- 
curing 14,842,302  pounds,  or  nearly  three-fourths  annu- 
ally from  foreigners. 


This 


On'  the  Impolicy  of  the 


3° 

This  ftatement,  which  is  as  accurate  as  any  that  can 
he  obtained,  fhews  to  us  the  falacy  of  the  argument;  and 
that  we  are  fo  far  from  being  likely  to  interfere  with  the 
colonifts  of  our  own,  as  in  fact  to  give  a blow  to  thofe  of 
our  rival  ftates.  Indeed,  the  argument  is  of  an  early 
date,  and  firft  made  its  appearance  while  America  was  our 
own.  It  was  certain,  at  that  period,  that  by  keeping 
the  Africans  engaged  in  the  trade  in  flaves,  we  hindred 
them  from  producing  fuch  of  their  own  commodities,  as 
would  have  greatly  interfered  with  thofe  of  our  then  colo- 
nies. The  inconfiderate,  however,  who  have  not  attended 
to  the  late  revolution  there*  have  been  bold  enough  to 
ratain  it,  though  nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  (the 
Americans  being  nowaliens,  and  other  ci  rcumftances  being 
taken  into  confideration)  it  becomes  a matter  of  policy  to 
have  them  from  another  quarter. 

Indeed,  among  the  various  events,  that  feem  for  fome 
time  to  have  been  haftening  on,  and  working  together 
for  the  abolition  of  the  Have  trade,  none  appears  to  be  of 
greater  importance  in  this  refpeCt  than  the  revolution  be- 
fore mentioned.  As  long  as  America  was  our  own,  there 
was  no  chance  that  a minifter  would  have  attended  to  the 
groans  of  the  fons  and  daughters  of  Africa,  however  he 
might  have  felt  for  their  diftrefs.  From  the  fame  fpot 
which  was  thus  once  the  means  of  creating  an  infu- 
perable  impediment  to  the  relief  of  thefe  unfortunate  peo- 
ple, our  affection,  by  a wonderful  concatination  of  events 
has  been  taken  off,  and  a profpect  has  been  prefented  to 
our  view,  which  fhewsit  to  be  policy  to  remove  their  pain. 

CHAP.  IV. 

SECTION  I. 

Having  now  provided  againft  an  obftacle  which  might 
have  been  thrown  into  my  way,  I (hall  proceed. 

In  the  firft  and  fecond  chapters  I confidered  the  trade 
in  Jlaves  in  an  abftraCted  light,  that  I might  balance  it 
both  nationally  and  individually , againft  that  in  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  coaft,  as  well  as  anfwer  certain  arguments 

ufually 


African  Slave  Trade. 


3i 


ufually  advanced  in  its  defence.  But  as  this  trade  has 
fome  appendages , and  as  thefe  appendages  are  faid  to  be  of 
the  higheft  importance  to  the  ftate,  Ifhould  be  an  unjuft 
arbiter  of  the  cafe,  if  I did  not  take  them  into  confidera- 
tion. 

The  advocates  for  the  Have  trade  earneftly  contend 
that  it  is  a nurferyfor  our  feamen.  Upon  no  one  argument 
have  they  declamed  with  greater  exultation  than  upon 
this  ; well  knowing  that  our  feamen  are  the  pillars  of  the 
ftate,  and  that  every  trade,  which  conduces  to  rear  and 
fupport  them,  it  muft  be  highly  politic  to  continue,  and 
highly  dangerous  to  fupprefs. 

Before  I enter  into  the  important  argument  advanced, 
it  will  be  necefiary  to  give  the  reader  a hiftory  of  the 
feamen  employed  in  this  trade;  not  only  becaufe  fuch  an 
hiftory  ought  to  be  prefented  to  his  view,  but  becaufe  it 
will  enable  him  to  judge  of  the  truth  of  certain  pofitions, 
to  be  mentioned  in  a future  chapter. 

To  begin:  The  wages,  which  able  feamen  receive  in 
this  trade,  are  from  thirty  to  forty  fhillings  per  month. 
They  have  alfo  two  months  advance-money,  and  their 
employers  do  not  ftand  upon  character. 

In  other  trades  they  receive  from  thirty  to  thirty-five 
fhillings  per  month,  have  but  one  month’s  advance-mo- 
ney, and  will  feldom,  like  other  fervants,  be  taken  but 
with  a character  from  their  former  mafters. 

The  firft  idea,  that  muft  fuggeft  itfelf  to  the  reader 
from  this  comparitive  view,  will  be  this,  that  it  muft  be 
a difficult  matter  to  procure  feamen  for  this  trade,  or  fuch 
extraordinary  temptations  would  not  be  held  out  to  them 
to  embark.  This  is  literally  the  fail:  for  thefe  are  as 
certain  criterions  of  the  difficulty  which  I intended  fhould 
be  furmifed,  as  the  price  of  infurance  of  the  hazard  of  a 
voyage,  or  as  any  other  eftablifhed  marks  of  diferimina- 
tion  in  any  other  cafe. 

1'he  difficulty  of  procuring  feamen  for  the  Have  trade 
is  well  knowm  at  the  ports  where  it  is  carried  on,  though 
the  advocates  for  it  have  aflerted  the  contrary  to  thole, 
whom  they  knew  to  have  had  no  opportunity  of  inquir- 
ing into  the  fa£I. 


At 


32 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


At  one  port  in  particular  they  have  gone  fo  far  as  to 
advance,  that  they  have  as  many  offers  for  making  up  the 
complements  of  their  fhips,  as  they  can  accept.  But  they 
conceal  the  time  and  occafion  of  thefe  proffered  Cervices. 
When  the  fhips  from  Greenland  and  the  Weft-Indies  ar- 
rive and  difeharge  their  crews,  the  former  of  which  put 
twelve  hundred  feamen  adrift  nearly  at  the  fame  time,  the 
flave  vefiels,  then  in  port,  find  but  little  difficulty  in  pro- 
curing hands.  But  what  inference  can  be  drawn  from 
hence  ? Not  furely  a partiality  for  the  trade,  but  that 
many  are  thrown  out  of  employ,  whom  neceffity  compels 
to  embark. 

On  the  other  hand,  when  the  fame  {hips  are  refitting 
in  the  fpring  of  the  year,  the  matter  is  totally  reverfed. 
The  flave  merchant  is  in  the  greateft  diftrefs  for  a crew. 
He  offers  even  three  months  advance-money ; but  this 
has  but  little  weight;  and  few  feamen  would  ever  volun- 
tarily embark  with  him  on  any  terms,  fo  long  as  a fhip 
of  any  other  defeription  was  fitting  out,  and  was  in  want 
of  hands. 

This  is  the  true  criterion,  by  which  a judgment  is  to 
be  formed  in  the  prefent  cafe,  and  if  added  to  the  three 
circumftances  before  mentioned,  which  are  eftablifhed 
rules  of  commercial  regulation,  wall  prove  an  infuperable 
argument  againft  the  affections  ufually  advanced  by  the 
patrons  of  this  trade. 

The  feamen  then,  now  under  confideration,  except  at 
the  time  fpecified,  are  obtained  in  the  following  ways. 

It  has  been  cuffcomary  to  allure  them  into  the  fervice 
under  the  promife  of  making  them  mates.  When  they 
come  on  board,  they  act  as  officers  of  the  (hip;  but  foon 
after  they  have  been  at  fea,  they  are  degraded  on  a pre- 
tended charge  of  negledt.  By  thefe  infidious  means  fe- 
veral  foremaft  men  have  been  annually  obtained  for  the 
voyage. 

But  the  great  bulk  of  them  are  procured  thus.  There 
are  certain  landlords,  who,  allured  by  the  high  wages 
given  them  in  this  trade,  the  advance-money  of  two 
months,  and  the  promifes  of  the  merchant,  open 
houfes  for  their  reception.  Thefe,  having  a general 

knowledge 


African  Slave  Trade. 


33 


knowledge  of  the  fhips  and  feamen  in  the  port,  and  being 
always  on  the  look  out,  intice  fuch  as  are  more  unwary 
or  in  greater  diftrefs  than  the  reft  into  their  houfes.  They 
entertain  them  with  mufic  and  dancing,  and  keep  them 
in  an  intoxicated  ftate  for  fome  time.  In  the  interim  the 
Have  merchant  comes,  and  makes  his  application.  The 
unfortunate  men  are  Tingled  out ; are  perhaps  taken  from  a 
dance.  Their  bill  is  immediately  brought  them.  1 hey 
are  [aid  to  be  more  in  debt,  than  even  two  months  ad- 
vance-money will  difcharge.  They  have  therefore  an 
offer  made  them,  a Jlave-veffcl — or  a goal. 

The  former  being  accepted,  the  landlord,  befides  a gra- 
tuity, receives  a promiffary  note  for  the  fum  equal  to  their 
advance-money  from  the  merchant,  and,  like  flaves,  de- 
livers them  to  the  veffel. 

Thus  put  on  board,  and  fenfible  of  the  mean  and  un- 
generous advantages  that  have  been  taken  of  their  unwari- 
nefs  and  neceffity,  their  * diflike  to  the  fervice  is  only 
heightened,  and  they  do  not  fail  to  exhibit  proofs  of  it  in 
the  following  manner : 

In  a certain  month  of  the  laft  year,  four  Have  veffels 
were  waiting  for  their  men.  The  firft,  in  confequence 
of  the  exertions  before  mentioned,  had  received  a certain 
number ; but  they  no  fooner  found  an  opportunity  of 
efcaping,  than  all  of  them  left  her,  and  on  the  fame  day. 

In  the  fecond  were  feven,  that  had  been  procured  in 
the  fame  manner.  Thefe,  foon  afterwards,  in  fpite  of  all 
oppofition,  forced  themfelves  into  the  boat,  and  came  on 
fhore.  f 

The  third  had  fcarcely  completed  her  complement, 
when  twenty-five  of  the  people  left  her  at  once,  and 
twenty  followed  them  on  the  next  day. 

By  this  time  the  firft  had  again  completed  her  crew  : 
but  fo  fearful  was  the  merchant  that  thefe  alfo  would  make 

* I do  not  mean  any  diflike  to  the  trade,  becaufe  they  confider  it  to 
be  iniquitous,  but  becaufe  the  cruel  treatment  of  feamen  in  this  trade 
is  notorious,  of  which  the  reader  will  fee  fome  fpecimens  hereafter. 

I have  known  a landlord,  who  opened  his  houfe  for  the  reception  of  Wefb 
India  feamen,  on  an  application  from  a (lave  merchant  for  men,  refufe 
him  folely  from  the  motive  that  he  (hould  affront  all  thofe  who  lodged 
with  him,  were  he  barely  to  propofe  it  to  their  confideration. 


their 


34 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


their  efcape,  that  the  fhip  was  immediately  hurried  to  fca, 
though  the  weather  was  much  againft  her.  How  they 
bore  fo  fudden  and  fo  abrupt  a departure,  I cannot  pofi- 
tively  affirm  ; but,  if  the  pilot  is  to  be  credited,  there  W2S 
nothing  but  diflatisfadtion  and  murmur  on  board,  while 
he  was  taking  them  out  of  the  channel. 

f rom  the  fourth  two  of  the  crew,  feeing  no  other  op- 
portunity of  getting  away,  leapt  overboard  in  the  night, 
though  the  fhip  was  at  that  time  more  than  a mile  from 
the  fhore. 

It  is  unneceflary  to  make  any  comments  upon  thefe 
inftances.  I fhall  therefore  only  add,  that  they  feldom 
or  ever  happen,  and  that  feamen  offer  their  fervices,  in 
other  trades. 


SECTION  II. 

While  the  crew  are  colledting  in  the  manner  above  def- 
cribed,  the  articles  of  agreement  are  prepared.  Thefe 
articles  ftate  the  nature  and  circumftances  of  the  en- 
gagements of  the  feamen  on  board  the  veffel,  and  are  to 
be  figned  by  them  before  their  departure  from  their  native 
fhore. 

Some  of  thefe  articles  are  too  iniquitous  to  be  omitted, 
I fhall  therefore  give  the  reader  an  extradt  of  one  of  them 
in  my  poffeffion. 

The  firft  claufe  is,  “ That  the  crew  fhall  conform  and 
“ demean  themfelves  in  every  refpedt  according  to  the  late 
u adt  of  parliament  for  the  better  regulation  of  feamen  in 
“ his  Majejly's  fervice.”  This  artful  fubftitution  of  the 
word  Majejiy's  for  Merchant' r,  when  fubfcribed  to,  gives 
the  officers,  in  their  own  opinion,  a power  of  inflidting 
fevere  punifhment  upon  their  men,  and  of  gratifying  their 
favage  difpofition. 

The  fecond  is,  “ That  one  half  of  their  wages  is  to  be 
“ paid  them  in  the  Weft-Indies  or  America,  in  the  cur- 
“ rency  or  proclamation  money  there.”  This  claufe  is 
equally  artful  with  the  former : for  though  the  merchant 
holds  out  to  them  the  bait  of  greater  wages  nominally,  he 
gives  them  intrinfically  lefs  than  in  other  trades. 

In 


African  Slave  Trade. 


35 


In  the  third  it  is  ftipulated,  “ that  if  they  ftiould  die 
upon  the  coaft,  their  executors  {hall  receive  the  wages  due 
to  them  at  that  time,  in  the  current  money  of  the  place, 
at  which  the  fhip  difpofes  of  her  Haves. 

The  fourth  is,  “ That  if  they  fhall  commence  any  adtion 
either  at  common  law  or  at  a court  of  admiralty,  either  on 
account  of  any  thing  in  thefe  prefents  contained,  or  on 
account  of  any  other  matter  whatfoever  that  may  happen 
duringthe  voyage,  without  firft  referring  it  to  the  arbitra- 
tion of  the  officers  or  owners  within  twenty  days  after 
their  arrival  at  the  port  of  difcharge,  they  fhall  forfeit 
fifty  pounds.”  # . 

This,  added  to  the  firft  claufe,  arms  the  officers  com- 
pletely, and  gives  them  fcope,  as  they  imagine,  to  pradtice 
any  barbarities,  which  they  may  pleafe  to  inflict  upon 
their  crew. 

Thefe  articles  being  prepared  for  their  fignature,  they 
are  called  up.  This  is  generally  done  when  the  fhip  is 
weighing  her  anchor,  or  at  fome  time  when  they  are  about 
to  be  bufily  employed.  A neceflity  for  expedition  is 
pleaded  : and  they  fign  without  ever  feeing,  or  being  per- 
mitted to  fee,  the  nature  of  the  engagements  which  they 
are  making.  The  articles  are  folded  up  in  a curious 
manner  for  this  purpofe  ; and  fome,  who  have  been  more 
wary  than  the  reft,  and  have  perfifted  in  the  refolution  of 
feeing,  before  they  figned  them,  have  been  known  to  be 
put  on  fhore. 

If  I am  to  fhew  the  iniquity  of  thefe  meafures  in  a 
ftronger  light,  it  muft  be  by  comparing  them  with  the 
pradtice  in  other  trades. 

The  articles,  now  the  objects  of  comparifon,.  are 
* printed.  They  are  either  read,  or  left  open  to  the  in- 
fpection  of  the  feamen  before  they  fign.  The  crews,  that 
embark  to  the  very  fame  coafi  for  wood,  know  nothing  of 
current  money,  nor  of  the  claufes  before  mentioned  The 
Weft-India  feamen,  who  meet  at  the  fame  port  with  thofe 
in  the  Have  vefl'els,  and  where  currency  is  in  force,  are  not 
obliged  to  take  the  half  of  their  wages  there.  In  fhort 

* I muft  do  juftice  to  fome  of  the  merchants  of  Liverpool,  who  make 
i}fe  of  printed  articles,  and  omit  the  firft  and  fouith  claufes. 

F whether 


36  On  tHE  Impolicy  of  the 

whether  we  view  the  arts  and  praftices  in  this  trade,  ei- 
ther independently  of  themfelves,  or  by  comparifon,  they 
equally  excite  our  deteftation  and  difguft. 

SECTION  III. 

The  articles  of  agreement  being  figned,  they  proceed 
to  fea.  From  the  port  of  Briftol,  as  foon  as  they  have 
pafied  the  ifland  of  Lundy,  and  from  the  port  of  Liver- 
pool, as  foort  as  they  have  cleared  the  Black  Rock,  the 
officers  generally  order  an  inftrument  to  be  made,  called 
a cat,  which  is  alledged  t&  be  prepared  for  the  punifhment 
* of  the  {laves.  The  handle  of  it  is  a rope  of  three  inches 
and  a half  in  circumference,  and  it  has  nine  tails  attached 
to  it  of  knotted  cord.  This  inftrument  cannot  legally 
be  ufed  on  board  any  other  but  one  of  his  majefty’s  {hips, 
and  in  other  trades,  except  the  Eajl-Indian , is  unknown. 

From  this  period  till  their  arrival  upon  the  coaft,  they 
begin  to  ufe  it  upon  the  feamen,  though  at  firft  with  mo- 
deration, or  only  fo,  as  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  feve- 
rities  that  are  to  follow.  In  a certain  time,  however, 
they  apply  it  without  referve.  But  here  a tragedy  com- 
mences, of  which  the  reader  can  have  no  conception,  but 
which  however  muft  be  fubmitted  to  his  view. 

I am  fenfible,  that  if  I were  to  talk  in  general  terms 
of  the  cruelties  exercifed  upon  the  feamen  in  this  trade,  I 
fhould  have  but  little  attention  paid  to  my  narration  by 
the  public,  nor  would  they  have  that  idea  of  them,  which 
it  is  the  duty  of  every  perfon,  acquainted  with  the  facts, 
to  communicate.  I {hall  therefore  wave  all  general  af- 
fertions,  and  confine  myfelr  for  the  prefent  to  the  occur- 
rences in  one  {hip. 


A 


African  Slave  Trade 


( 


37 


*A  Muster  Roll  for  the  Ship  — — « , from  Africa 
and  the  Welt-Indies. 


• The  three  contained  in  the  laft  bracket,  do  not  Hand  as  in  the  ori- 
ginal mufter  roll,  but  are  put  together  for  the  fake  of  eluc  idating  the 
cafe. 

The 


38  On  the  Impolicy  of  the 

The  captain  of  this  vefl'el  began,  as  ufual,  to  practife 
his  barbarities  a little  before  his  arrival  upon  the  coaft. 
He  took  che  opportunity  of  beating  his  crew  repeatedly, 
and  for  imaginary  faults.  He  had  alfo  on  board  a large 
dog,  which  he  was  accuftomed  to  fet  upon  the  men  for 
his  diverfion;  at  the  fame  time  fwearing,  that  if  any  of 
the  crew  fhould  attempt  to  take  off  the  dog  on  any  fuch 
occafion,  he  would  fhoot  him  for  the  attempt. 

The  treatment,  which  was  thus  begun,  was  continued 
upon  the  coaft,  and  in  fuch  a licentious  degree,  as  to  be- 
come infupportable,  and  to  alarm  the  feamen  for  the  fafe- 
ty  of  their  lives. 

The  eleven  contained  in  the  firft  bracket  having  been 
cruelly  ufed,  and  feeing  no  hopes  of  a termination  to  their 
fuft'erings  fo  long  as  they  ftaid  there,  came  to  the  refolu- 
tion  of  deferring;  chufing  rather  to  truft  to  an  inhofpi- 
table  climate,  and  an  uncivilized  people  upon  the  fliore, 
than  to  ftay  onboard  their  own  veil'd.  They  according- 
ly cut  their  way  through  the  netting  in  the  night.  They 
feized  the  long  boat,  eredted  an  oar  for  a mart,  and  a 
hammock  for  a fail ; and,  thus  provided,  they  took  their 
final  departure  from  the  fhip. 

It  was  but  a fhort  time  before  they  dropped  down  the 
river  where  the  vefl'el  lay.  They  then  coafted  along  to 
make  for  a certain  place,  but  were  driven  beyond  it  before 
they  could  get  to  land.  To  cut  their  ftory  fhort:  Eight 
of  them,  after  experiencing  many  hardfhips,  died.  The 
other  three  were  taken  in  by  a vefl'el  bound  to  the  colo- 
nies with  fiaves.  One  of  them  died  on  the  middle  paflage. 
The  remaining  two,  in  procefs  of  time,  came  home,  but 
in  fo  weak  and  impaired  a ftate,  that  their  recovery  was 
long  doubtful;  for  one  had  additionally  to  ftruggle  with 
two  large  holes  in  his  fiioujder,  which  the  dog,  before 
mentioned,  had  torn  at  the  inftigation  of  his  mafter. 

This  was  the  firft  effe£t  of  the  barbarous  ufage  on 
board  the  vefl'el,  whofe  mufter  roll  has  been  cited.  I 
fhall  now  continue  my  account. 

The  three,  inclofed  in  the  next  bracket,  were  a part  of 
the  complement  of  a flave  vefl'el,  which  had  upfet  upon 
the  coaft,  and  who  had  efcaped  to  this  fhip.  They  had 

been 


African  Slave  Trade.  39 

been  but  a Ihort  time  on  board,  before  they  experienced 
the  fame  treatment  as  the  reft  of  the  crew. 

The  firft  of  them  was  ufed  in  the  following  manner. 
In  lowering  down  the  awning  one  evening,  the  captain 
fwore  that  he  had  fufferred  it  to  touch  a boat,  which  he 
had  amufed  himfelf  in  painting  the  fame  day;  though  no 
mark  was  vifible,  by  which  it  could  be  traced  that  the 
awning  had  ever  touched  it.  For  this  imaginary  fault 
he  knocked  him  down,  and  then  jumped  upon  his  breaft. 
He  afterwards  beat  him  in  a moft  inhuman  manner  with 
a rope  of  three  inches  and  a half  in  circumference.  The 
poor  man,  in  confequence  of  this  treatment,  became  ill, 
and  complained  to  the  furgeon  and  furgeon’s  mate,  of  the 
pain  which  he  then  felt.  The  captain,  however,  happen- 
ed to  overhear  his  complaint,  when  he  immediately 
ordered  him  to  go  forward,  or  he  would  repeat  his  for- 
mer treatment,  commanding  the  furgeon’s  mate,  at  the 
fame  time,  not  to  adminifter  to  him  any  relief  under  the 
penalty  of  being  ferved  in  the  fame  manner. 

The  furgeon,  however,  and  his  mate,  privately  vifited 
the  fick  man  in  the  night,  by  means  of  a dark  lanthorn, 
and  gave  him  every  affiitance  in  their  power.  They  found 
feveral  contufions  on  his  neck,  back,  breaft,  and  arms, 
which  were  fo  bad  as  to  occafion  him  to  fpit  blood,  and 
to  void  the  fame  by  ftool.  This  afterwards  turned  into  a 
dyfentery  or  flux,  and  on  the  feventh  of  the  month,  of 
the  unfortunate  man  died. 

It  may  not  be  amifs  to  add,  that  the  dying  man  repeat- 
edly thanked  the  furgeon  for  his  tendernefs  and  care,  and 
that  he  repeatedly  told  him,  that  the  captain  had  been  the 
occafion  of  his  death,  generally  adding,  at  the  fame  time, 
that  “ he  could  not  punifh  him,  but  that  God  would.” 

The  other  two  werealfo  treated  in  an  unmerciful  man- 
ner. One  of  them,  on  his  arrival  in  the  Weft-Indies, 
died.  The  other  had  the  good  fortune  to  get  to  his  na- 
tive home. 

The  firft  of  the  two,  contained  in  the  third  bracket, 
was  the  furgeon’s  mate  of  the  veflel.  On  a certian  day, 
being  on  fhore  with  fome  fick  flaves,  he  was  beaten  fo 
unmercifully  by  the  captain,  as  to  be  taken  up  infenfible. 
The  brute,  not  fatisfied  with  this,  puflied  the  flick  of  his 

umbrella 


4©  On  thi  Impolicy  of  the 

umbrella  againfthis  belly  as  he  was  lying  upon  the  ground, 
and  with  fuch  force,  as  to  caufe  a moil  violent  pain  for 
feme  days  : the  only  reafon  ailedged  for  this  treatment 
was,  that  four  flaves  had  died  of  the  flux  the  preceding 
night. 

On  the  fixteenth  day  of  the  next  month,  he  vented  his 
fury  again  on  the  fame  perfon,  and  with  as  little  caufe  ; 
for  coming  out  of  his  cabin,  and  finding  a girl  flave  dead,, 
whofe  death  had  not  been  reported  to  him  before  dinner, 
he  immediately  feized  him,  and  knocked  him  down.  He 
then  jumped  upon  his  breaft.  He  afterwards  beat  him  in 
a cruel  manner  with  the  but  end  of  the  cat,  which  I men- 
tioned befoie  to  be  a rope  of  three  inches  and  an  half  in 
circumference,  fothat  on  the  next  day  his  head  was  found 
to  be  much  (welled,  and  fevcral  contufions  on  his  neck, 
back,  and  arms. 

He  was  alfo  beaten  in  a barbarous  manner  on  the  four- 
teenth and  eighteeth  days  of  the  fame  month,  and  for  no 
other  reafon  than  becaufe  the  captain  was  in  a paffion 
with  others. 

The  fecond  perfon,  and  whofe  cafe  is  now  to  be  con- 
fidered,  was  knocked  down  two  or  three  times  in  a day, 
without  any  juft  caufe.  At  onetime  in  particular,  when 
the  captain  came  upon  deck,  and  found  that  the  people 
who  were  then  wafhing  the  decks,  had  not  moved  the 
hen-coops  as  before,  heimmediately  feized  this  perfon  who 
was  (landing  by,  and  having  felled  him  down  to  the  floor, 
(lamped  upon  his  body  as  he  was  lying  there.  Then 
feizing  him,  with  an  intention  as  he  fwore,  of  throwing 
him  overboard,  he  dragged  him  to  the  ftern  of  the  veflel. 
The  unhappy  man,  to  lave  himfelf,  caught  hold  of  the 
ftern  rails,  by  which  he  held  fad  till  he  was  relieved  by 
two  of  the  (hip’s  crew.  In  confequence  of  this  treat- 
ment, he  had  feveral  contufions  on  his  breaft,  back,  and 
other  parts  ot  his  body,  and  alfo  a black  eye,  with  a 
fwelled  face,  which  deprived  him  of  the  fight  of  one  of 
his  eyes  for  about  a fortnight. 

At  another  time,  when  the  (hip  arrived  in  the  Weft- 
Indies,  he  was  beaten,  without  the  commiflion  of  a fault, 
in  an  inhuman  manner.  T he  captain  (truck  him  here  fo 
(everely  over  his  face,  as  to  occafion  his  mouth  to  bleed 

for 


African  Slave  Trade. 


+ f 


forfome  time.  He  kicked  him  afterwards  over  his  bow- 
els, and  with  fuch  violence,  as  to  occafion  him  to  fall 
down,  when  he  jumped  upon  his  breaft  as  before,  and 
otherwife  cruelly  treated  him.  The  unfortunate  vi&im, 
when  he  went  on  fhore,  complained  to  the  magiftrate  of 
the  place,  to  whom  the  vefi'el  being  configned,  he  received 
no  other  fatisfadtion  than  his  difcharge;  though  he  carried 
with  him  his  fhirt,  ftained  with  the  blood  v/hich  had  then 
ifiued  from  his  wounds.  He  was  accompanied,  on  his 
application  to  this  magiftrate,  by  the  perfon  mentioned 
before  him,  who  preferred  his  complaint  like  wife,  and 
obtained — equal  redrefs. 

It  would  be  a tedious  and  a painful  tafk  to  defcribe  the 
treatment  which  every  individual  received  on  board  this 
vefi’el.  I fhall  therefore  fubmit  to  the  reader  but  three 
more  cafes  for  his  perufal. 

The  firft  in  the  fourth  bracket  was  a very  fenfiblc  old 
feaman,  and  formerly  in  his  majefty’s  fervice.  He  had 
had  foine  words  on  the  forecaftle  with  an  officer,  on  ac- 
count of  complaining  that  he  had  no  water  to  drink. 
The  officer  told  the  captain  of  the  feaman’s  bahaviour, 
and  of  his  infolence  in  complaining.  The  latter  inftantly 
feized  him,  and  beat  out  feveral  of  his  teeth  with  his  Hit. 
He  then  ordered  a pump  bolt  to  be  put  into  his  mouth, 
which  was  confined  there  by  means  of  fome  rope-yarn  tied 
behind  his  head.  The  poor  old  man  was  almoft  choaked, 
being  unable  to  (pit  out  the  great  quantity  of  blood  which 
was  then  running  down  and  collefting  in  his  throat. 
He  was  then  tied  for  two  hours  to  the  rail  cf  the  quarter 
debk,  as  he  had  previously  declared  his  intention  of  leaping 
overboard,  to  avoid  the  farther  perfecution  of  his  oppreflor. 
When  the  two  hours  were  expired,  he  was  ordered  under 
the  half  deck,  tied  to  the  grating  companion  of  the 
ffeerage,  and  kept  there  all  night  with  a centinel  over 
him.  In  about  a month  afterwards  he  was  feized  with  a 
fever,  and  died. 

The  fecond,  a lad  of  about  feventeen  years  of  age,  was 
repeatedly  knocked  and  kicked  about,  and  otherwife  cruelly 
treated  by  the  fame  perfon  for  imaginarv  faults.  Thefaid 
lad  had  received  from  one  ofthe  other  officers  a wound  in 
his  toe,  The  captain  was  fo  far  from  favouring  him  in 

this 


4* 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


this  fituation,  that  he  endeavoured  to  diftrefs  him  the 
more,  and  therefore  compelled  him  to  adt  as  a centinel 
over  the  Haves  ; an  office  which  requires  much  walking 
about.  This  cruel  ufage  foon  produced  a fever  ; nor  did 
he  ever  feel  for  his  fituation  at  this  time,  for  he  obliged 
him  to  fit  on  the  gratings  during  his  illnefs,  as  a centinel 
over  the  room  of  the  women  Haves. 

Overpowered  now  by  illnefs  and  fatigue,  he  fell  afleep 
on  the  gratings.  The  captain  coming  on  the  quarter 
deck  at  the  fame  time,  and  finding  him  in  the  fituation 
defcribed,  began,  with  oaths  and  imprecations,  to  beat 
him  in  an  unmerciful  manner.  The  poor  lad,  kicked  at 
length  from  the  gratings,  and  terribly  bruifed  befides, 
crawled  with  much  difficulty  to  the  furgeon’s  mate.  He 
there  complained,  in  the  anguifh  of  his  heart,  of  the  bitter 
treatment  he  had  received.  He  then  folicited  a little  of 
the  barley  water,  which  is  ufually  kept  for  the  Haves  ; but 
while  he  was  drinking  it,  he  fell  down  at  the  feet  of  the 
furgeon’s  mate,  and  expired. 

The  third,  and  laft  whom  I {hall  mention,  was  a black 
feaman,  who  had  {hipped  himfelf  in  England  as  cook  of 
the  above  veflel.  The  captain  feems  to  have  fingled  out 
this  unfortunate  man,  as  an  objedt  in  which  all  his  different 
modes  of  perfecution  were  to  centre.  He  knocked  him 
down  almoft  daily.  He  flogged  him  repeatedly  on  his 
naked  back  with  his  own  hands,  for  fo  much  pleafure  did 
he  receive  from  the  exercife  of  cruelty  and  oppreffion,  that 
he  became  the  executioner  on  thefe  occafions.  He  put  a 
large  chain  about  his  neck,  at  the  end  of  which  was 
{aliened  a log  of  wood.  In  this  chain  he  compelled  him 
to  do  his  duty  as  cook  of  the  veflel,  beating  him  feverely 
in  the  interim,  and  kicking  him  about  for  his  deverfion. 

At  one  time  he  ordered  him  to  be  tied  up'for  no  fault 
whatever,  and  he  Hogged  him  in  fuch  an  unmerciful  man- 
ner, that  it  was  apprehended  his  arm  would  mortify,  and 
nothing  but  the  {kill  and  affiduity  of  the  furgeon  faved  it 
at  laft. 

At  another  time  he  was  ordered  by  the  captain  into  his 
cabin.  The  pretence  was  this,  that  he  had  not  roafted 
the  yams  properly,  (which  is  a luncheon  at  twelve  o’clock). 
As  foon  as  he  entered  the  cabin  door,  the  inhuman  wretch 

for 


African  Slave  Trade. 


43 


for  his  diverfion  darted  a knife  and  fork  at  him.  7 he 
poor  man  fled  in  confternation  from  the  cabin.  The 
captain  purfucd  him,  and,  to  complete  his  cruelty,  fet  his 
dog  upon  him  as  ufual.  The  animal  immediately  obey- 
ed, tore  off  his  frock,  and  bit  him  in  feveral  places.  I 
muft  add,  that  it  was  almoft  the  daily  pradlice  of  this  bar- 
barian to  fend  for  the  above  black  feaman  into  his  cabin, 
and  to  divert  himfelf  with  darting  at  him  the  inftruments 
before  mentioned,  whenever  he  could  get,  what  he  term- 
ed, a fair  mark. 

At  another  time  he  darted  at  him  an  inftrument  which 
was  commonly  ufed  for  ftriking  fi(h.  It  confided  of  a 
large  thick  flick,  with  a quantity  of  lead  at  one  end  of  it, 
and  three  or  four  prongs  or  javelins  at  the  other.  This 
inftrument  was  thrown  at  him  with  great  force,  and, 
unlefs  he  had  fortunately  (looped,  he  muft  have  been 
killed,  as  it  went  juft  over  his  head,  and  ftuck  into  the 
boards  of  the  barricado  of  the  veflel.  The  breaking  of 
a plate  was  the  grand  crime  that  had  been  imputed  to 
him  on  this  occafion. 

At  another  time  he  was  flogged  as  before,  and  fo  fe- 
verely,  that  he  was  cut  from  the  neck  to  the  fmall  of  the 
back  in  a (hocking  manner.  When  the  operation  was 
over,  the  captain  called  for  a bucket,  in  which  he  mixed 
pepper  and  fait  water,  and  then  anointed  his  back,  with  a 
view  to  increafe  his  pain.  In  (hort,  fo  barbarous  was  his 
condudl  to  this  poor  fellow,  that  he  became  infenfible  at 
laft,  and,  full  of  fears,  and  unable  to  walk  upright,  he 
frequently  crawled  in  his  chain,  like  a dog,  upon  all  fours; 
the  captain,  by  his  ill  ufage,  having  reduced  him  both  in 
form  and  mind  to  a level  with  the  brute  creation. 

Thefe  are  fome  of  the  inftances  of  cruelty,  that  were 
pradtifed  on  the  feamenof  this  veflel.  I find  it  impoflible, 
for  want  of  time,  to  infert  them  all.  I (hall  therefore 
clofe  my  account  here,  and  with  this  obfervation,  that 
out  of  a crew,  confiding  of  fifty-one  perfons,  there  were 
only  three  that  efcaped  the  barbarity  of  this  monfter  in 
human  (hape. 

The  reader  will  probably  think,  from  the  difmal  hiftory 
now  offered  to  his  perufal,  that  I have  at  lead  fingled  out 
a (hip,  where  the  treatment  was  more  unfavourable  than 

G in 


44 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


in  any  other  in  the  fame  line.  But  I pofitively  deny  any 
charge  that  maybe  brought  againft  me  in  this  particular. 

I can  fpeci.fy  inftances  of  deliberate  barbarity  exercifed  on 
the  bodies  of  Britifh  feamen  in  this  trade,  that  exceed  any 
I have  yet  defcribed  ; and  I affert  farther,  that  out  of  the 
captains  of  twenty  {hips,  taken  promifcuouflv  in  it,  I can- 
not find,  upon  a minute  inveftigation,  more  than  three, 
whatever  may  be  their  appearance  at  home,  that  are  men 
of  common  humanity  on  their  refpective  voyages. 

To  thefe  three  individuals  then,  who,  trufted  with  un- 
limited power,  furrounded  by  bad  example,  and  placed 
on  the  brink  of  vice  from  the  very  nature  of  the  trade, 
to  thefe,  I fay,  v/ho,  in  this  fituation  have  fwerved  from 
the  common  practice,  I take  this  opportunity  of  paying 
that  juft  tribute,  which  their  behaviour  deferves  ; but  I 
prefume,  that  they  will  derive  more  pleafure  from  the 
peace  and  fatisfaction  in  their  own  breafts,  than  from  any 
public  commendation. 

SECTION  IV. 

Before  I invefiigate  the  argument  adduced  in  the  firft 
fection,  that  the  Jlave  trade  is  a nurfery  for  our  feamen , I 
{hall  anfwer  two  queftions  which  may  be  ftarted  here. 

The  firft  may  be  delivered  in  the  following  terms. 
<c  Are  not  the  fame  cruelties  practifed  in  other  trades  ? ” — 
I make  the  following  reply. 

A certain  perfon,  totally  unconnected  with  the  law, 
had  no  lefs  than  fixty-three  applications  made  to  him  in 
three  months,  to  obtain  redrefs  for  fuch  feamen,  as  had 
experienced  the  fury  of  the  officers  of  their  refpedtive  {hips. 
Upon  examination  of  their  different  cafes,  it  appeared, 
that  one  of  them  had  been  cruelly  treated  on  board  a Weft 
Indiaman,  and  that  another  had  been  knocked  down  and 
feverely  bruifed  on  board  an  Irifh  trader.  The  remain- 
ing f.xty-one  were  victims  to  the  tyranny  of  the  officers 
before  defcribed. 

The  firft  cafe  that  came  to  his  knowledge,  was  that  of 
an  unfortunate  perfon,  who  had  been  landed  from  a Have 
vefi'el  in  a fickly  ftate  but  the  preceding  day.  He  had 
been  repeatedly  knocked  down  with  the  but  end  of  the 

cat. 


African  Slave  Trade. 


45 


cat.  His  life  had  been  rendered  fo  uncomfortable,  that 
he  had  made  three  efforts  to  leap  overboard,  and  deftroy 
it.  When  he  was  taken  up  the  laft  time,  he  had  juft 
been  faved  from  the  jaws  of  a fhark  that  had  been  making 
after  him.  The  unfortunate  man  had  been  alfo  repeated- 
ly chained  to  the  deck  of  the  {hip,  and  in  that  fituation 
had  been  infulted  and  beaten  by  his  oppreftor.  When 
the  application  was  made,  he  was  in  bed,  and  delirious. 
I fhall  obferve  here,  that  the  reft  of  the  fame  crew  had 
been  treated  in  a barbarous  manner. 

In  the  fecond,  feveral  of  the  party  prefent  came  to  in- 
form of  a murder  that  had  been  committed  on  the  body 
of  a Britifh  feaman  upon  the  coaft. 

A third  feaman  had  had  his  arm  broken  without  any 
provocation  by  the  but  end  of  a cat,  an  inftument  be- 
fore defcribed. 

A fourth  being  ordered  to  catch  hold  of  the  main-top- 
fail  brace,  and  miftnking  it  for  the  main-top-bowling, 
had  been  knocked  down  with  a handfpike,  and  his  arm 
broken  in  two  places. 

A fifth  received  fuch  treatment  as  the  reader  will  nard'y 
believe  $ but  I muft  inform  him  that  this,  as  well  as  molt 
of  the  other  tranfacfions,  is  upon  oath,  and  that  his  per- 
fecutor  has  acknowledged  it  by  the  payment  of  a fine. — 
This  unfortunate  man,  for  a fuppofed  want  of  care  in  a 
moft  trifling  inftance,  was  ftripped  naked,  and  corded 
down  with  his  belly  upon  the  deck.  The  barbarian  and 
tyrant  of  the  {hip  ftreaked  his  back,  cooly  and  deliberate- 
ly, with  the  end  of  a poker  that  had  been  heated  for  the 
purpofe.  I need  not  fay  that  the  poor  man  was  in  the 
greateft  agonies  on  the  occafion. 

At  another  time,  and  on  a like  charge,  while  his 
wounds  were  yet  frefh,  a large  lump  of  pitch  was  melted 
hot  upon  his  back,  and  he  was  made  to  fuffer  the  moft 
excruciating  pain. 

A fixth  was  treated  in  the  following  manner,  as  eol- 
le£led  from  a depofition,  made  for  the  purpofe  of  corro- 
borating the  facf: 

A certain  fhip  was  lying,  in  the  month  of , and 

in  the  river , on  the  coaft  of  Africa,  for  Haves. 

The  captain  had  been  on  fnore,  but  on  the  evening  came 

on 


46 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


on  board.  On  being  informed  of  a circumftance,  which 
a favourite  had  devifed  to  have  happened  in  his  abfence 
from  the  fhip,  he  called  for  a certain  feaman.  Without 
any  kind  of  inquiry,  and  with  that  impetuofity  and  def- 
potifm,  which  mark  the  principal  agents  in  this  trade,  he 
immediately  knocked  him  down,  tore  his  fhirt  from  his 
back  with  his  own  hands,  and  ordered  him  to  be  tied  up 
for  the  purpofe  of  flogging  him. 

When  the  poor  innocent  man  was  fufficiently  fecured, 
the  captain  took  up  the  cat,  which  was  a rope  of  three 
inches  and  a half  in  circumference,  with  nine  tails  at 
one  end  of  it,  and  a double  walled  knot  of  nearly  eight 
inches  in  circumference  at  the  other.  He  beat  him 
alternately  with  each  end,  and  frequently  on  the  back 
part  of  the  head  with  the  knot  defcribed.  When  his 
right  hand  was  tired,  he  curfed  it  for  being  unable  to 
perform  its  office  completely,  and  had  then  recourfe  to 
his  left. 

Being  too  much  wearied  at  length  to  continue  the  ope- 
ration to  his  own  mind,  he  applied  to  an  officer  of  the 
fhip,  and  ordered  him  to  exert  his  ftrength,  after  the  ex- 
ample given  him,  on  the  back  of  this  innocent  and  unof- 
fending man.  The  officer  felt  himfelf  in  a fituation  to  be 
obliged  to  comply  with  his  commands,  but  ftruck  him 
only  with  the  tail  end  of  the  inftrument  before  defcribed. 

A fecond  officer,  being  afterwards  applied  to  for  the 
fame  purpofe,  flogged  him  in  the  fame  manner,  till  the 
tails  of  the  cat  were  worn  into  fhreds,  and  it  became  no 
longer  an  inftrument  of  pain. 

By  this  time  the  captain  had  refted  himfelf  fufficiently 
to  renew  the  tafk.  He  pulled  off  his  jacket,  tucked  up 
the  fleeves  of  his  fhirt,  ordered  another  cat  of  the  fame 
kind  to  be  brought,  and  ufed  it  in  the  fame  manner. 
To  abbreviate  this  tale  of  woe,  I fhall  fay  at  once,  that 
the  punifhment,  from  the  time  of  iis  commencement  to 
the  time  of  its  difcontinuance,  lafted  for  three  hours. 

The  unhappy  man,  unable  to  fuftain  this  accumulated 
perfecution,  had  fainted  before  the  operation  was  over; 
his  head  had  hung  on  hisfhoulder;  and,  when  he  was 
taken  down,  he  lay  motionlefs  on  the  deck. 


The 


African  Slave  Trade. 


47 


The  barbarian  of  the  {hip,  not  yet  fatisfied  with  his 
diabolical  treatment  of  the  unfortunate  victim,  ordered  his 
hands  and  feet  to  be  fattened  together,  his  right  hand  to 
his  left  foot,  and  his  left  hand  to  his  right.  When  this 
was  done,  a rope  was  made  faft  to  the  (hackled  limbs, 
and,  like  a calk,  he  was  hoifted  up  from  the  deck.  He 
was  afterwards  let  down,  by  means  of  the  fame  rope,  into 
a boat  which  was  then  lying  by  the  fide  of  the  veflel.  In 
his  boat,  and  in  this  confined  fituation,  he  was  left  for 
the  remainder  of  the  night. 

About  five  o’clock  on  the  next  morning,  a feaman, 
having  found  his  way  into  the  boat,  came  up  again,  and 
reported  that  the  unfortunate  man  was  dead.  In  confe- 
qence  of  this,  his  body  was  brought  up,  and  laid  in  the 
waift  of  the  veflel.  Another,  who  was  his  mefimate,  on 
coming  up  and  feeing  him  there,  had  the  curiofity  to 
examine  him.  In  feeling  about  his  neck,  three  of  his 
fingers  found  their  way  into  a hole  in  the  flcull,  which  he, 
one  of  the  deponents,  faid,  had  been  made  by  the  double 
walled  knot  of  the  cat  before  defcribed,  and  which  had 
been  applied  to  him  there  in  a moft  unmerciful  man- 
ner. In  withdrawing  them  from  the  wound,  a great 
quantity  of  blood  iflued  out,  and  came  profufely  upon 
the  deck. 

The  tyrant  of  the  fhip,  when  he  rofe  in  the  morning, 
and  faw  the  body  in  this  bleeding  ftate,  exprefled  noemo- 
tions of  pity  or  concern,  but,  in  a rough  and  imperious 
tone,  only  ordered  it  to  be  buried. 

It  may  not  be  amifs  to  remark,  that  the  unhappy  victim 
had  been  in  full  health  and  vigour  but  the  preceding  night. 

He  had  been  uncommon!  v cheerful,  and  had  played  on  his 
flute  juft  before  the  tranfadlion  happened,  while  the  reft  of 
the  feamen  danced.  In  the  morning,  however, — he  was 
no  more. 

Thefe  are  fome  additional  inftances  of  the  behaviour 
of  the  captains  of  flave  veflels  to  the  unfortunate  people, 
who  compofe  their  refpeftive  crews.  Shocking  as  they 
are,  they  will  hardly  give  the  reader  an  adequate  idea  of 
the  various  cruelties  exercifed  upon  thofe,  who  embark  in 
this  trade.  All  on  board  is  deliberate  barbarity  and  on- 

prellion. 


4» 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


preffion.  An  unfortunate  failor  cannot  fpeak  or  complain 
but  it  is  an  offence  againft  difcipline,  and  an  offence  never 
to  be  forgiven  ; while  a Britifh  admiral,  the  higheft  cha- 
racter on  the  globe,  does  not  think  it  below  his  dignity  to 
be  folicitous  for  the  happinefs  of  his  people,  or  to  attend 
to  their  complaints.  The  paltry  captain  of  a flaveveffel, 
the  mod  defpicable  character  upon  earth,  is  the  only 
human  being  who  looks  upon  a Britifh  feaman  as  an  infe- 
rior animal,  and  worthy  of  oppreffion  and  contempt. 

The  other  inftances  are  of  a fimilar  nature  to  the  firft 
four,  but  I fhould  be  as  weary  to  communicate,  as  the 
reader  to  perufe  them.  If  any  perfon  fhould  confider 
thofe,  that  have  been  already  mentioned,  as  fufficient  to 
corroborate  the  cruel  treatment  fo  generally  infilled  upon 
in  this  trade,  I ihall  have  neither  written  nor  have  felt 
in  vain, 


The  fecond  queftion,  that  may  be  flarted,  is  the  fol- 
lowing : 

“ If  this  be  the  real  fituation  of  things,  how  happens 
“ it  that  the  objeils  of  fuch  tyranny  and  oppreffion  fhould 
“ not  obtain  redrefs,  and  that  our  courts  of  law  fhould 
“ not  have  to  decide  upon  more  cafes  of  this  kind,  than 
u they  have  at  prefent  ? ” 

I anfwer,  becaufe  thefe  objefts  are  generally  without 
friends  and  money,  without  which  the  injured  will  feek 
for  juftice  but  in  vain  ; and  becaufe  the  peculiarity  of  their 
fituation  is  an  impediment  to  their  endeavours  for  redrefs. 

But  to  be  more  particulur. — Where  are  thefe  unfor- 
tunate people  to  appeal  ? 

“ In  the  Weft- Indies,”  you  will  fay,  where  they  firft 
land.  But  here  one  of  the  magiftrates  is  perhaps  the 
perfon  to  whom  the  veftel  is  co.nfigned,  and  will  not 
interfere.  By  another,  when  applied  to,  they  are  termed 
dcfcrters , and  unworthy  either  of  credit  or  relief. 

But  let  us  follow  them  home  to  their  deftined  port. 
How  are  they  to  obtain  redrefs,  or  to  whom  alfo  are  they 
to  fbake  their  application  here  ? 

You  will  fay,  “ to  a gentleman  of  the  law.”  But  this 
gentleman  of  the  law  has  many  (lave  merchants  for  his 
clients,  and  refufes  to  be  employed. 


“ Let 


African  Slave  Trade.  49 

“ Let  them  apply  then  to  another.”  But  this  ocher 
refufes  them  from  a different  confideration.  He  reafons 
thus  : “ It  will,  perhaps  be  a long  while,  on  account  of 
the  forms  of  law,  before  the  decifion  can  be  made.  The 
witnefl'es  mull  be  forth-coming  at  an  appointed  time. 
But  who  are  they  ? People  whofe  dependence  is  upon  the 
Jea  ; who  look  up  to  it  for  their  fupport;  who  will  not  be 
a month  on  fhore  before  their  wages  will  be  gone,  and  be- 
fore they  mull  get  employment  again.  If  they  get  into 
employ,  they  cannot  appear.  If  they  flay,  who  is  to  fup- 
port  them  ?” 

This,  and  other  confiderations,  peculiar  to  the  fitua- 
tion  and  character  of  feamen,  have  hindred  many  from 
taking  up  their  caufe ; and  have  deprived  them  of  that  re- 
drefs,  which  the  laws  of  every  country  ought  to  afford 
them  as  men ; but  particularly  of  this,  which  is  indebted 
to  their  invincible  perfeverance  and  intrepidity  for  its 
prefent  grandeur  and  fupport. 

T his  account,  though  made  as  concife  as  po/Tible,  (for 
I had  a volume  of  fadls  to  offer  on  this  head)  will,  I have 
no  doubt,  give  the  reader  a yet  more  horrid  notion  of  this 
execrable  trade.  It  is  begun  in  iniquity;  it  is  continued 
in  bafenefs : and  whether  we  refer  to  the  unhappy  Haves, 
or  the  unfortunate  feamen  employed  in  it;  in  fhort, 
whether  we  view  it  at  home  or  abroad,  or  confidcr  the 
modes  adopted  in  the  practice  of  it,  or  its  effedls,  it 
equally  calls  for  the  interpofition  of  the  legiflature,  be- 
ing equally  enormous  and  bafe. 

CHAP.  V 


SECTION  I. 

I come  now  to  the  argument,  upon  which  fo  great  a 
H refs  has  been  laid,  that  the  Jlave  trade  is  a nurfery  for 
tur  feamen. 

T he  truth  of  this  argument  I deny  in  the  moll  expli- 
cit and  unequivocal  manner.  I affert,  on  the  other  hand, 
that  it  is  a grave  for  our  feamen,  and  that  it  deftroys  more 

in 


5° 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


in  one  year,  than  all  the  other  trades  of  Great-Britain, 
when  put  together,  deftroy  in  two. 

To  £hew  this  in  the  cleareft  manner,  J {hall  divide  the 
lofs,  which  the  ftate  experiences  in  her  feamen  by  the 
profecution  of  the  Have  trade,  into  three  parts.  The  firft 
will  contain  fuch  as  are  actually  on  the  dead  lift,  while 
on  pay,  and  in  the  fervice  of  their  refpedtive  {hips.  This 
{hall  be  immediately  explained.  The  other  two  {hall  be 
each  of  them  canvafted  in  a diftincft  fetftion. 

I am  aware,  that  in  attempting  to  afcertain  the  firft  to 
the  fatisfadlion  of  the  reader,  I muft  avoid  all  general  afler- 
tion,  and  produce  many  of  thofe  particular faEls,  which  have 
induced  me  to  fpeak  with  fo  much  confidence  on  the  fub- 
je£L  I {hall  therefore  fubmit  to  his  infpedlion  an  account 
of  the  lofs  fuftained  by  the  laft  eighty-eight  veflels  in  this 
trade,  that  had  returned  to  Liverpool  from  their  refpe&ive 
voyages  in  the  September  of  the  year  1787.  I give  him 
fo  great  a number  for  three  reafons,  firft,  becaufe  it  in- 
cludes all  vcftels  both  great  and  fmall;  fecondly,  becaufe 
it  includes  deftinations  to  all  parts  of  the  coaft ; and, 
thirdly,  becaufe  it  is  from  a number  only,  that  any  infe- 
rence can  be  juftly  drawn. 


Ships  Names.  Number  of  Seamen  * lojl  in  each. 

Sifters,  3 

Hornet,  - - 1 5 

Molly,  - - 14 

Fair  American,  - - 10 

Lyon,  - - 15 

Will,  - - - 17 

Telemachus,  - 8 

Peggy?  - 9 

Pedros  Valley,  - 3 

Doe,  - - 3 

Matty  and  Betty,  - 3 

Gregfon,  - - 12 


* Under  the  term  loft  is  included  thofe  that  died,  or  were  killed,  or 
were  drowned.  Neither  the  captains,  nor  any  of  thofe  feamenthat  were 
taken  in  at  the  Weft-Indies,  ate  included  in  the  account. 

Bloom 


African  Slave  Trade. 


Si 


Ships  Names. 

Bloom, 

William, 

Brooks, 

Vulture, 

Enterprife, 

Venus, 

Mermaid, 

Chriftopher, 

Thomas, 

Africa, 

Little  Joe, 
Prefident, 

Mary  Ann, 
Madam  Pookata, 
Hinde, 

Mary, 

Brothers, 

Chambers, 

Vale, 

John, 

Benfon, 

Mary, 

Gafcoyne, 

Bud, 

Eflex, 

Elliott, 

King  Pepple 
Juba, 

Garland, 

Mofsley  Hill, 
Mary, 

Cato, 

Darnal, 

Tarleton, 

Africa, 

Quixote, 

Hero, 

Rofe, 

James, 


Number  of  Seamen  lojl  in  each. 

5 

- 8 

9 

5 

- 3 

1 

6 
8 

2 
2 
I 
8 

*3 

3 
2 
6 

4 

7 

i 

17 

3 

3 

13 

5 

8 

7 
5 
9 

13  - 

8 

9 

10 

10 

5 

19 

4 
8 

rz  - 
8 

Oronooko, 


5* 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


Ships  Names 

Oronooko, 
Blaydes, 

Kitty, 

T artar* 

Golden  Age, 
Fancy, 

Ally, 

Mungo, 

Jane, 

George, 

Hornet, 

Sarah, 

Venus, 

Mary, 

Mary, 

Jemmy, 

Lord  Stanley, 
Madam  Pookata, 
Mercer, 

Hannah, 

F anny 
Mary  Ann, 
Mofsley  Hill 
Chambers, 

Will, 

Vulture, 

Crefcent, 

Colonel, 

G region. 

Little  Joe, 

F avourite, 
Peggy, 

Maria, 
Enterprife, 
Heart  of  Oak, 
Bloom, 

Ingram, 


Number  of  Seamen  lojl  in  each , 

y . 6 


i7 

5 

i5 
1 1 

7 

11 

2 

7 

5 

13 


5 

16 


7 

6 

4 

15 

3 

24 


- i5 
Total  loft  631 
Employed  308?. 


African  Slave  Trade. 


S3 


The  reader  will  fee,  by  calling  his  eye  on  the  preceding 
lift,  that  the  Jlave  trade  cannot  pojfibly  be  a nurfery  for  our 
Jeamen , for  it  clearly  appears  from  thence,  that  if  we  refer 
the  eftimate  to  the  number  of  Jhips , every  veffel,  that  fails 
from  the  port  of  Liverpool  in  this  trade  lofes  more  than 
j> 'even  of  her  crew,  and  that  if  we  refer  it  to  the  number  of 
Jeamen  employed,  more  than  a fifth  perifh. 

This  has  been  the  invariable  proportion  for  the  port  of 
Liverpool  for  many  years  ; — and  I fhould  have  Hated  it 
to  the  reader  without  the  preceding  lift,  but  that  I thought 
it  would  be  more  fatisfadlory  to  him  to  fee  at  leaft  a part 
of  the  foundation,  on  which  it  had  been  railed. 

The  other  ports  alfo  have  had,  in  confequence  of  the 
fame  kind  of  inveftigation,  their  different  proportions  of 
Jofs  affigned  them,  which  are  fo  accurate,  that  if  applied 
* to  any  number  of  fhips  taken  promifcuoully,  and  exceed- 
ing twenty,  they  will  be  found  to  anfwer  on  almoft  every 
occafion.  Thefe,  with  the  former,  I fhall  now  Hate 
without  referve. 

Firft  : Every  veffel  that  fails  from  the  port  of  Liverpool 
to  the  coaft  of  Africa,  lofes  on  an  average  more  than  feven 
of  her  crew,  or  a fifth  of  the  whole  number  employed. 

Secondly : Every  veffel  from  the  port  of  Briftoi  lofes 
on  an  average  nearly  nine,  or  almoft  a fourth  of  the 
whole  crew. 

Thirdly:  Every  veffel  from  the  port  of  London  lofes 
more  than  eight,  and  between  a fourth  and  a fifth  of  the 
whole  complement  of  her  men. 

By  thefe  ftatements  it  will  appear,  that  if  we  compound 
the  lofs  at  the  different  ports  of  this  kingdom,  which  are 
ufed  for  the  profecution  of  the  Have  trade,  every  veffel 
may  be  faid  to  lofe  more  than  eight  of  her  crew ; and  if 
we  refer  the  lofs  to  the  number  employed,  between  a fourth 
and  a fifth  may  be  faid  to  perifh.  To  thefe  obfervations 
I fhall  only  add,  that  in  the  year  1786,  eleven  hundred  and 
twenty-five  feame.n  will  be  found  upon  the  dead  lift. , in  con- 
fequence of  this  execrable  trade. 


SECTION  II, 


54 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


SECTION  II. 

The  fecond  part  of  the  lofs,  mentioned  in  the  preced- 
ing fection,  is  now  to  be  confidered.  It  will  be  found  to 
contain  fuch,  as  are  annually  diflipated  in  the  IVcJl-Indics 
after  their  difcharge  from  their  refpe&ive  fhips ; and  of 
whom,  from  this  period,  the  mufter  rolls  give  no  farther 
account. 

Some  of  the  Have  veflels,  which  arrive  in  the  Weft- 
Indies,  have  perhaps  experienced  but  little  mortality  in 
their  crews.  It  is  clear,  in  this  cafe,  that  many  of  the 
feamen  on  board  become  Jupernumerary  for  the  remain- 
der of  the  voyage. 

Others  again  bring  them  in,  in  fo  weak  and  impaired 
a ftate,  that  they  are  confidered  as  incapable  of  navigating 
the  veflels  home. 

Thefe  circumftances,  therefore,  occafion  many  of  them 
to  be  difcharged  there.  The  Tick  are  fometimes  forced  on 
fhore  in  the  night  previous  to  the  departure  of  the  veftel 
home,  and  are  left  to  fhift  for  themfelves,  though  the  very 
a<ft  of  difcharging  them  in  the  colonies,  even  in  a reputable 
way,  is  contrary  to  law : while  others  are  fo  tired  of  the 
voyage,  fo  difgufted  at  the  treatment  which  they  have  re- 
ceived, and  fo  much  in  want  of  reft  and  comfort,  that  they 
chufe  rather  to  forfeit  the  whole  of  their  wages,  and  de- 
fert,  than  to  return  home  in  the  fame  ftiip. 

It  appears  then,  that  many  of  the  feamen,  for  the  rea- 
fons  given,  have  left,  or  have  been  obliged  to  leave,  their 
refpective.  veflels,  either  on  the  arrival  of  thefe  in  the 
Weft-Indies,  or  before  their  departure  home.  It  will  be 
now  proper  to  follow  them,  and  to  fee  their  fate. 

Some  of  thefe,  as  opportunity  offers,  make  application 
to  fuch  {hips,  either  employed  in  this  or  another  line,  as 
are  returning  to  England,  and  procure  a birth.  But  the 
demand  being  not  equal  to  the  employment  of  more  than 
half  of  thofe  who  are  fet  adrift,  a conliderable  number  are 
annually  left  behind.  Among  thefe  then,  the  refidue 
that  are  unemployed,  is  to  be  traced  the  fecond  part  of 
the  lofs,  which  I mentioned  to  have  originated  in  the 
profecution  of  the  trade. 


To 


African  Slave  Trade. 


55 


To  attempt  to  afcertain  it,  (which  I prefume  will  be 
no  difficult  talk)  I fhall  confine  myfslf  to  one  particu- 
lar year. 


In  the  year  1786  were  employed  in  the 
Slave  trade,  in  round  numbers 


1 


5000  Seamen. 


Of  this  number  came  home  with  the  vefiels  2320 
Upon  the  dead  lift  were  1 130 

Difcharged  in  Africa,  and  not  accounted 


for  by  other  vefiels 
Difcharged  and  deferted  in  the  Weft- 
Indies 


80 


1470 


5000 


Taken  up  in  the  place  of  thofe  difcharged  ? , 
or  deferted  \ DI° 


It  will  be  now  no  difficult  matter  to  afcertain  the  point 
in  queftion.  It  has  been  juft  ftated,  that  fourteen  hundred 
and feventy  feamen  were  put  adrift  in  the  colonies  in  the 
year  1786,  and  that  only  * fix  hundred  and  ten  were  taken 
up  in  their  ftead.  It  remains  therefore  only  to  enquire  of 
whom  this  body  confifted,  that  were  thus  taken  up  in  the 
year  1786,  as  fubftitutes  for  thofe,  who  were  fet  adrift 
within  the  fame  period. 

* To  (hew  that  this  trade  is  perfectly  fyftmatic  and  productive  of  the 


fame  effeCts,  1 (hall  fubjoin  the  date  of  four  or 
promifeuoufly  for  the  purpofe. 

five  lots  of  (hips,  taken 

Difcharged  or  deferted  in  the  Weft-Jndiei 

‘ Taken  up  in  their  ftead. 

In  24  (hips  in  the  (lave  trade  334 

140 

In  24  others  — 21 1 

ss 

In  24  others  — 209 

86 

In  24  others  — 205 

73 

In  16  others  — 155 

72 

1114 

459 

The  reader  will  fee  from  hence,  that  there  is  a continual  difgorge- 
ment  of  feamen  from  thefe  vefiels  into  the  iflands,  and  not  a drawback 
of  one-half  by  the  fame. 


Let 


56 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


Let  us  fuppofe  firft,  that  thefe  fix  hundred  and  ten  fub- 
ftitutes  were  all  of  them  Guinea  feamen.  Then  it  is 
clear,  that  each  of  the  (lave  veflels,  which  arrived  laft  in 
the  colonies,  muft  have  taken  up  a part  of  thofe  which 
the  preceding  had  left  behind ; that  thofe,  who  were  thus 
taken  up,  muft  have  been  a part  of  the  fame  that  were 
difeharged  ; and  that  eight  hundred  and  fixty  yet  remain  to 
be  accounted  for  in  that  year. 

Let  us  fuppofe  fecondly,  that  they  were  Wejl - India  fea- 
men , who  ran  from  their  refpe&ive  Ihips,  and  that  none 
of  the  fourteen  hundred  and  feventy  were  taken  up  by  the 
Have  veflels  in  the  given  time.  Then  it  is  clear,  that  the 
Weft-Indiamen  muft  have  wanted  an  equal  number  of 
hands  to  fupply  the  places  of  thofe  that  had  left  them. 
For  this  fupply  fet  off  an  equal  number  taken  from  the 
fourteen  hundred  and  feventy  before  mentioned.  This 
will  be  only  changing  hands,  and  the  balance  will  re- 
main as  before. 

Let  us  fuppofe  thirdly,  (which  is  the  real  cafe)  that 
they  confifted  of  both,  that  is,  that  a part  of  the  fubftitutes 
were  taken  from  the  Weft-Indiamen,  and  the  remaining 
part  from  the  Have  veflels.  Then  it  is  equally  evident, 
that  the  refult  will  be  the  fame.  So  that,  in  whatever 
point  of  view  we  confider  the  cafe,  it  will  appear,  that 
only  fix  hundred  and  ten  feamen  out  of  the  whole  num- 
ber deferting  or  difeharged  have  yet  found  their  way  out 
of  the  colonies,  and  of  courfe,  that  eight  hundred  and fixty 
yet  remain  to  be  accounted  for  in  the  expenditure  of  the 
year  1786. 

This  being  the  cafe,  I muft  now  inquire  what  became 
of  the  latter,  for  they  compofe  a number  too  ferious  to  be 
pafled  over  without  a rigid  inveftigation. 

It  will  be  faid,  that  they  came  home  in  the  Weft-In- 
diamen. But  I reply,  that  the  Weft-Indiamen  have  al- 
ready received  a fufficient  number  to  replace  thofe  of  their 
own  feamen,  who  were  taken  up  by  the  fiave  veflels  in 
that  year,  and  that  the  balance  is  ftill  the  fame.  If  there- 
fore any  were  wanted  by  the  former  veflels,  it  could  be 
only  to  fupply  the  places  of  fuch  as  died,  or  were  loft  on 
board  them. 


This 


African  Slave  Trade. 


57 


This  lofs,  on  a fuppofit'on  that  fix-hundred  fail  of 
veffels  were  employed  in  the  Weft-Indies  from  Great 
Britain  in  the  year  1786,  was  not  more  than  that  of  one 
hundred  and  fixiy  feamen,  fo  that  feven  hundred  (admitting 
the  lofs  to  have  been  fo  fupplied)  muft  have  been  ftill  left 
in  the  colonies. 

It  will  be  now  faid,  that  the  remainder  went  into  the 
King’s  fervice.  Shall  I referve  two  hundred  of  them  for 
this  purpofe,  amuch  greater  number  than  were  everwanted 
annually  as  recruits  in  the  time  of  peace  ? What  became  of 
the  reft,  for  five  hundred  ftill  remain  to  be  accounted  for. 

The  truth  is,  that  they  were  loft  forever  to  the  ftate, 
and  that  this  number  will  ftill  contiue  to  be  annually  loft, 
fo  long  as  the  trade  is  profecuted  to  its  prefent  extent. 

In  the  following  picture  may  be  feen  the  fate  of  the 
unemployed  remains  of  thofe,  who  are  thus  annually  let 
adrift  in  the  colonies. 

Some  of  thefe,  in  an  unfirm  and  debilitated  ftate  of 
health,  (the  reafons  of  which  will  be  given  in  a future 
chapter)  and  rather  Jhadows  in  their  appearence  than^nv/, 
are  foon  carried  to  the  hofpitals,  and  die  there. 

Others,  to  forget  their  fufferings,  and  to  have  a little 
relaxation  after  the  hardfhips  and  feverities  they  have 
experienced  indulge  themfcl  ves  on  fhore.  They  drink  new 
rum.  Their  habit  of  body  is  unable  to  bear  it,  and  they 
fall  vidtims,  I will  not  fay  to  their  intemperance,  but  to 
the  nature  of  the  trade,  which  has  brought  them  firftinto 
a debilitated  ftate,  and  has  then  put  them  adrift  to  effedt 
their  own  cure.  Thefe  are  feen  in  the  ftreets  * dying 
daily  in  an  ulcerated  ftate,  objedts  both  of  commiferation 
and  horror.  Their  fituation  immediately  points  them  out 
as  the  remains  of  the  crew  of  a Have  velfel  : but  they  fall 
without  pity,  without  friends,  without  a lookbutof  con- 
tempt from  the  hardened  multitude  that  palfes  by. 

Others,  without  friends  and  without  money,  wander 
about  in  the  different  iflands,  and  beg  from  door  to  door, 
till  overpowered  by  heat,  hunger  and  fatigue,  they  fall 
equally  unpitied,  and  Ihare  the  fate  of  their  former 
friends. 


* Particularly  in  Jamaica. 


Others; 


58  On  the  Impolicy  of  the 

Others  upon  feeing  all  thefe  calamities,  and  additi- 
onally fo  hurt  on  account  of  the  brutal  feverities  e-xercifed 
upon  them,  and  the  want  of  protection  and  redrefs,  de- 
termine to  embark  for  America,  there  to  fpend  the  re- 
mainder of  their  days : and  fo  invincible  has  been  the 
refolution  of  many  of  them  in  this  refpett,  that,  deftitute 
of  money,  they  have  fuffered  themfelves  to  die  with  hun- 
ger, fooner  than  embark  in  any  fliip  that  belonged  to  their 
own  country. 

In  thefe  different  ways  are  many  of  the  brave  but  unfor- 
tunate feamen,  who  are  put  adrift  in  the  colonies  from  the 
veffels  before  defcribed,  loft  additionally  to  the  ftate,  and 
in  fuch  a proportion,  that  not  lefs  than  five  hundred 
annually,  in  the  time  of  the  * peace  eftablifhment,  or 
about  four  to  every  veffel,  may  be  added,  as  lojl  in  the 
Weft-Indies , to  thofe  upon  the  dead  lift,  that  are  martyrs 
to  this  inhuman  trade. 

SECTION  III. 

I come  now  to  the  third  part  of  the  lofs,  which  the 
ftate  experiences.  This  may  be  traced  in  fuch  of  the 
feamen  as,  having  left  the  colonies  either  in  their  own  or 
in  other  (hips,  have  returned  home. 

Some  of  thefe,  and  notan  inconfiderable  number,  when 
we  view  them  as  feaman,  go  blind  in  confequence  of  the 
voyage,  and  become  in  future  forever  dead  as  naval  fub- 
je<5ts  to  the  ftate. 

Others,  worn  out  and  landed  from  the  {hips  in  a weak 
and  emaciated  condition,  are  carried  to  the  infirmaries 
and  die  there. 

Others,  labouring  under  the  fcurvy,  rheumatifm,  and  a 
complication  of  diforders,contra£ted  from  the  very  nature 
of  the  voyage,  become  incurable.  Their  whole  habit  is 
fo  broken  down  and  relaxed,  that  oedematous  fwellings  are 
the  confequence  in  their  legs,  and  they  are  cut  off  from 
all  chance  or  poffibility  of  purfuing  a naval  life.  Others 
that  have  been  maimed  or  ill  treated,  are  in  the  fame 

* The  peace  eftafcli/hment  in  this  trad*  confifts  of  about  one  hundred 
and  thirty  veffels. 

fituation. 


African  Slave  Trade. 


59 


fituation.  While  others  again,  difgufted  at  the  barbar- 
ous treatment  exercifed  upon  them,  and  perhaps  in  their 
firft  voyages,  become  difheartened,  relinquish  the  Tea, 
and  betake  themfelves  to  thole  occupations  which  they 
left,  or  of  which  they  have  molt  knowledge. 

Thefe  are  the  different  ways  in  which  the  third  part 
of  the  lofs  is  occafioned ; and  if  we  include  thofe  who  be- 
come blind,  and  die  in  the  infirmaries,  and  are  rendered 
by  ill  treatment  and  a complication  of  diforders  incapable 
of  purfuing  the  fea,  and  who  relinquifh  it  from  difguft, 
it  will  be  a very  moderate  ftatement  to  fay,  (at  leaft  as 
far  as  my  inquiries  have  yet  reached)  that  three  naval 
Subjects  are  additionally  loft  to  the  ftate  by  every  veflel, 
even  out  of  thofe  who  return  home. 

Thefe  observations  being  put  together,  and  the  whole 
lofs,  including  thofe  that  were  put  upon  the  dead  lift,  and 
thofe  that  were  loft  in  the  colonies,  and  thofe  that  died 
and  were  rendered  unserviceable  at  home,  being  eftimat- 
ed,  it  cannot  be  ftated,  that  lefs  than  fifteen  Seamen  in  eve- 
ry veflel,  or  nineteen  hundred  and  fifty  out  of  the  whole 
number  employed,  were  loft  to  the  Service  of  this  country 
by  the  profecution  of  the  flave  trade  in  the  year  * 1786. 

SECTION  IV. 

Having  now  ftated  the  afinal  lofs,  which  the  veflels 
experience  in  this  trade,  I come  to  the  comparative  ; for 
I have  Said  that  the  flave  trade  was  not  only  a grave  for 
our  Seamen,  but  that  it  deftroyed  more  in  one  year  than  all 
the  other  trades  of  Great-Britain,  when  put  together,  de- 
ft rov  in  two. 

l or  this  purpofe,  I Shall  exhibit  the  lofs  fuftained  in 
feveral  trades,  confining  myfelf  to  a certain  number  of 
veflels  taken  promilcuoufly  in  each. 


* The  lofs  ftated  in  the  year  1786,  will  be  nearly  applicable  to  that 
of  the  year  1787,  or  any  other  year  of  what  may  be  called  the  peace  efta- 
blifhment  in  this  trade;  for  in  any  fuch  years,  nearly  the  fame  number 
will  be  found  on  the  dead  lift;  the  fame  numbet  difeharged  in  the  colo- 
nies; the  fame  number  taken  up  in  their  places  ; and  the  fame  number 
dead,  and  rendered  unfervicable  at  home  ; — fo  fyftematic  (as  I oblcrved 
in  a former  note)  is  this  trade. 

I An 


6 o 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


An  Account  of  the  LOSS  fuftained  in  Twenty-four 
Slave  Veflels  from  the  port  of  Bristol. 

Ships  Names.  Number  of  Seamen  lojl. 


Africa 

7 

Pearl 

20 

Jupiter 

ii 

Heitor 

8 

Emilia  - 

8 

Conftantine 

1 1 

Alfred 

6 

Jupiter 

H 

Sally 

7 

Wafp 

3 

Little  Hornet 

6 

Royal  Charlotte 

H 

Tryal 

6 

Emilia 

9 

Alexander 

9 

Little  Pearl 

5 

Mermaid 

2 

Wafp 

6 

Brothers 

32 

Thomas 

8 

Emilia 

3 

Alert 

4 

Royal  Charlotte 

2 

Alexander 

15 

216 

An 


African  Slave  Trade. 


6i 


An  Account  of  the  LOSS  fuftained  in  Twenty-four 
East-Indiamen. 

Ships  Names.  Number  of  Seamen  loft. 


Manfhip 

7 

William  Pitt 

13 

Duke  of  Montrofe 

10 

Earl  Cornwallis 

4 

Phoenix 

23 

Northumberland 

6 

Ranger 

1 

Southampton 

8 

Chapman 

4 

Kent 

12 

Stormont 

Q 

Royal  Charlotte 

S 

9 

Contractor 

5 

Bridgewater 

2 

Neptune 

Vanfittart 

6 

7 

Earl  Talbot 

/ 

20 

Valentine 
Lord  North 

- 8 
2 

Ganges 

O 

13 

Sulivan 

7 

Carnatic 

2 

Pitt 

2 

Berrington 

j 

*9 

201 

An 


62 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


An  Account  of  the  LOSS  fuftained  in  Twenty-four 
West-Indiamen. 


Ships  Names. 

Number  of  Seamen 

Good  Hope 

_ 

o 

Exeter 

- 

o 

Venus 

o 

Charles 

- 

o 

Juno 

- 

o 

Colin 

- 

o 

Albion 

o 

Mercury 

- 

o 

St.  Thomas 

o 

Druid 

- 

3 

Induftry 

o 

Apollo 

o 

Saville 

o 

Fanny 

- 

o 

jarrett 

o 

Lord  North 

- 

o 

Triton 

- 

I 

Fame 

o 

Union  Ifland 

- 

o 

Mercury 

- 

o 

Generous  Planter 

I 

Difpatch 

- 

I 

Salter 

- 

o 

Pilgrim 

o 

6 


An 


African  Slave  Trade. 


63 


* 


* An  Account  of  the  LOSS  fuftained  in  Twenty-four 
Veflels  in  the  Petersburgh.  Trade. 


Ships  Names.  Number  of  Seamen  lofl. 

Exeter  - o 

Nancy  - o 

Three  Sifters  - o 

Jofeph  - o 

Exeter  - - o 

Baltic  Merchant  - o 

Three  Sifters  - o 

Three  Sifters  - o 

Polly  - o 

Sally  - - O 

Three  Sifters  - o 

Polly  o 

Three  Sifters  - o 

Monmouth  - o 

Baltic  Merchant  - o 

Monmouth  - o 

Baltic  Merchant  - I 

Monmouth  - o 

Sally  - o 

Baltic  Merchant  - r 

Sally  o 

Monmouth  - o 

Sally  - o 

Monmouth  o 


2 


* The  Peterlburgh  trade,  at  Eriftol,  where  I colledled  fome  of  my 
papers,  being  fmal),  I have  been  obliged  to  take  the  fame  (hip  for  three 
or  four  voyages. 


An 


64 


On  the  Impolicy  of  thp 


An  Account  of  the  LOSS  fuftained  in  Twenty-four 
veflels  in  the  Newfoudland  trade. 

Ships  Names.  Number  of  Seamen  lofi. 

Surprife  - o 

Somerfet  - o 

Catherine  - o 

Jenny  - o 

Little  Robert  - o 

Unity  - o 

Nancy  - i 

Briftol  Packet  - o 

Friends  - o 

Ripley  - o 

Harbourgrace  Packet  - o 

Adtive  *>  - o 

Ann  - o 

Mermaid  - o 

Surprife  - I 

Brothers  - - O 

Fly  O 

Catherine  o 

Betfey  O 

Friendfhip  - o 

Jenny  - - o 

Nancy  - o 

Sally  - o 

Nancy  - o 

2 


An 


African  Slave  Trade. 


65 


An  Account  of  the  LOSS  fuftained  in  Twenty-four 
Greenlandmen. 


Ships  Names. 

Number  of  Se 

William  and  John 

J 

0 

Lyon 

0 

Betty 

O 

Peggy 

O 

Lyon 

r 2 

Philippa 

O 

William 

O 

Sarah 

- 0 

Leviathan 

O 

Pilgrim 

O 

John 

O 

Grampus 

O 

Golden  Lyon 

O 

Brilliant 

- 1 

James 

O 

Anfdell 

- O 

Whale 

- O 

Margaret 

I 

Peggy 

O 

Argus 

- O 

Betty 

O 

Swan 

_ O 

Fifher 

- I 

Seacome 

O 

To 


66 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


To  recapitulate,  the  account  will  ftand  thus  : 


In  twenty-four  Slave  vefTels  216 

• Eaft-Indian  201 

Weft-Indian  6 

Greenland  5 

Peterfburg  2 

Newfoundland  2 


But  this  ftatement,  though  it  exhibits  the  lofs  fuftained 
in  an  equal  number  of  veffels  in  different  trades,  does  not 
yet  give  us  that  juft  comparative  view,  which  the  cafe 
requires.  Some  of  thefe  were  confiderably  longer  on  their 
voyage,  and  carried  a much  greater  number  of  men,  than 
others.  Thefe  two  circumftances,  therefore,  are  to  be 
reduced  to- an  equilibrium.  We  muftput  aneaqual  num- 
ber of  hands  into  the  different  trades.  We  muft  make 
them  ferve  for  an  equal  time  ; and  the  lofs,  which 
each  would  experience  under  thefe  circumftances,  will  be 
the  true  comparative  lofs. 

I will  not  trouble  the  reader  to  follow  me  through  the 
procefs  of  thefe  calculations.  I fliall  therefore  inform 
him  immediately,  that  in  raifing  the  time  and  number  in 
fome,  and  reducing  them  in  others,  to  a juft  equilibrium, 
the  account  will  ftand  thus  : 

In  910  feamen  employed  in  the  Briftol  flave-veffels  ^ 
for  one  year,  will  be  loft  more  than 

In  910 in  Eaft-Indiamen  37 

In  910 in  Weft-Indiamen  21 

In  910 in  the  Peterfburg  trade  10 

In  910 in  the  Newfoundland  trade  10 

In  910 in  the  Greenland  trade  9 


1 

87 

J 

Having 


African  Slave  Trade. 


H 


Having  now  furnifhed  a comparative  view  of  the  lofs 
fuftained  in  fome  of  the  trades  that  are  carried  on  by  the 
fubjeCts  of  this  country,  I will  venture  to  aflert,  that  if 
we  except  the  flave  trade,  all  the  reft  of  them  put  together 
did  not  diftipate  more  than  nine  hundred  feamen  in  the 
year  1786.  In  the  fame  year  were  deftroyed  by  the  Have 
trade  nineteen  hundred  and  fifty.  So  that  the  truth  of  my 
former  aftertion,  “ that  this  iniquitous  trade  deftroys 
“ more,  in  one  year , than  all  the  other  trades  of  Great 
“ Britain,  when  put  together,  deftroy  in  two,”  will  but 
too  manifeftly  appear. 

The  account,  which  I have  now  given,  including  many 
particular  facts,  will,  I doubt  not,  have  fufficient  weight 
with  the  difinterefted  Britifli  reader  to  overturn  the 
argument,  which  has  never  been  infilled  upon  but  in 
general  terms,  that  the  flave  trade  is  a nurfery  for  our 
feamen.  The  reverfe,  I apprehend,  will  ftrike  him  in  a 
very  forcible  light;  and,  if  I do  not  anticipate  too  haftily, 
cannot  but  be  productive  of  pain.  That  every  fhip,  fo 
occupied  and  employed,  fhould  be  attended  with  fuch  a 
lofs  as  has  been  fpecified,  is  a circumftance,  fo  melancholy 
in  itfelf,  and  fo  fatal  in  its  confequences,  that  it  muft  fill 
him  with  alarm  and  horror,  and  he  will  wait  with  painful 
anxiety  for  the  fuppreflion  of  a trade,  which  fo  manifeftly 
tends  to  wound  his  country  in  its  vital  parts.  In  vain  will 
its  advocates  plead  with  him,  that  the  chain  of  com- 
merce will  be  broken,  or  that  a part  of  the  mercantile 
fabric  of  the  nation  will  be  thrown  down.  Let  them 
remember,  that  it  has  been  raifed  at  the  expence  of  the 
pillars  of  the  ftate ; and  that  no  emolusnent  whatever , which 
individuals  can  obtain  from  the  trade , can  ever  be  thought  a 


1.' 


K 


CHAP.  VI. 


68 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


CHAP.  VI. 

I muft  now  inquire,  whether  the  trade  in  the  natural 
productions  of  the  country  would  be  equally  detrimental 
to  the  ftate;  for  it  will  immediately  be  alleged,  that  the 
veflels,  in  which  it  is  to  be  conducted,  mult  go  to  the 
fame  coaji . 

I thall  anfwer  this  objedtion  in  the  mod  explicit  man- 
ner, by  endeavouring  to  prove,  that  if  the  fame  {hips  and 
men  were  to  go  into  the  trade  propofed,  they  would  not 
experience  an  equal  lofs. 

This  I {hall  attempt  to  demonftrate  by  recurring  to  the 
caufes  of  the  lofs  defcribed,  and  by  {hewing  thefe  caufes 
to  be  chiefly  peculiar  to  the  trade  in  flaves,  or  fuch  as 
would  ceafe  to  exift,  were  the  trade  aboH/bed. 

The  firft  will  be  found  upon  the  coaft. 

On  the  windward  coaft  a confiderable  part  of  the  cargo 
of  flaves  is  procured  by  open  boats.  Thefe  boats  are 
continually  beating  about,  and  watching  the  fignals  made 
upon  the  fhore.  They  proceed  to  the  diftance  of  twenty 
or  thirty  leagues,  and  are  often  abfent  for  three  weeks 
from  the  fhip.  During  this  time,  they  are  expofed  to  the 
inclemency  of  the  weather,  night  and  day,  which  becomes 
frequently  the  occafton  of  their  death.  Some  of  thefe 
boats  are  upfet,  and  the  feamen  loft. 

Others  go  up  the  rivers,  and  are  abfent  for  an  equal 
time.  The  days  are  exceflively  hot,  and  the  dews  are 
exceflively  cold  and  heavy.  Thofe,  who  are  fent  upon 
this  fervice,  are  confidered  as  devoted.  Some  never 
return  with  the  boats.  The  reft  come  on  board,  and 
often  die. 

This  mortality  is  to  be  attributed  to  two  caufes  ; partly 
to  tiie  uncertainty  of  the  trade,  which  makes  the  long  and 
conftcnt  ufe  of  thefe  boats  fo  neceftary;  and  partly  to  the 
climate. 

Ip  the  trade  propofed,  no  fuch  uncertainty  would  be 
found.  The  feafons  for  the  different  crops,  (not  like  the 
feafons  for  human  flefh)  would  be  periodical  and  regular. 
Store-houfes  would  be  built  at  convenient  places.  The 

natives 


African  Slave  Trade. 


69 


natives  up  the  river  would  bring  down  their  produce  in 
their  canoes.  The  ufe  of  open  boats  would  in  this  refpect 
be  precluded,  and  one  of  the  caufes  of  the  prefent  lofs 
would  be  removed. 

With  refpect  to  the  climate,  it  requires  but  little  know- 
ledge or  experience  to  fay,  that  it  may  be  fubjedfed  to 
human  art.  Other  countries,  now  civilized  were  for- 
merly inhofpitable  to  ftrangers,  but  have  become  habita- 
ble by  all.  Such  would  be  the  cafe  with  the  regions  of 
Africa  in  the  new  intercourfe  pointed  out.  For  if  the 
country,  which  is  now  a foreft,  were  cleared ; if  the 
lands  were  put  into  cultivation,  if  the  fwamps  were 
drained,  and  fuch  other  events  were  to  take  place,  as 
would  be  the  certain  effedfs  of  eftablifhing  the  trade 
propofed,  the  caufes  of  this  mortality  to  ftrangers  would 
gradually  decreafe,  the  dews  would  be  mbderated,  the 
rains  and  tornadoes  become  lefs  frequent  and  violent,  and 
the  climate  be  as  healthy  as  any  other  in  any  region  of 
the  globe. 

Other  caufes  of  the  lofs,  which  the  ftate  expe- 
riences in  her  feamen  by  the  profecution  of  the  trade, 
will  be  found  both  upon  the  coaft  and  on  the  middle 
paflage.  ♦ 

The  firft  of  thefe  may  be  traced  in  infurredfions,  in 
confequence  of  which  feveral  of  them  have  loft  their  lives. 

The  fecond  in  the  communication  of  thofe  diforders, 
with  which  the  Haves  are  attacked.  Among  thefe  is  prin- 
cipally the  flux,  which  is  contagious,  and  which  feveral 
of  the  feamen,  who  are  often  obliged  to  be  among  them, 
cannot  poffibly  efcape. 

The  above  two  caufes,  it  is  evident,  could  have  no 
exiftence  in  the  trade  propofed,  as  the  commodities,  which 
the  veflels  wou'd  then  carry,  could  neither  rife  up  againft, 
nor  fpread  an  infedtion  among  their  crews. 

A third  may  be  found  in  that  barbarous  and  oppref- 
five  treatment,  which  has  been  defcribed.  This  treatment 
occafions  the  death  of  fome,  and  renders  others  incapable 
of  purfuing  the  fame  line  of  life  on  their  return  home. 
This  caufe  would  immediately  be  removed,  as  it  is  peculiar, 
and  wholly  to  be  attributed  to  the  nature  of  this  execrable 

trade. 


70 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


trade.  It  is  a facft,  that  men  have  embarked  in  it  who 
have  been  confidered  as  men  of  humanity,  and  that  the 
fame  people  in  a little  time  have  been  totally  altered,  and 
diftinguifhed  by  the  appellation  of  brutes.  Nor  is  the 
change  wonderful.  The  unbounded  power,  which  the 
captains  of  flave  veffels  po/Tefs,  could  be  exercifed  but 
by  few  with  propriety,  and  is  in  general  too  much  for  the 
human  mind  to  bear,  without  degenerating  into  tyranny 
and  oppreffion.  The  feenes  too,  which  they  muft  con- 
ftantly  be  accuftomcd  to  behold,  harden  the  heart,  rob  it 
of  its  finer  feelings,  and  at  length  create  a ferocity  that, 
accompanied  with  the  other  effects,  renders  them  rather 
inonfters  than  men. 

The  fourth  is  to  be  traced  in  bad  living.  The  crews 
of  thefe  veffels  have  not  only  to  ftruggle  with  the  difad- 
vantages  deferibed,  but  additionally  with  thofe  of  hunger 
and  thirft,  which  render  them  emaciated  and  weak,  and 
confpire,  with  other  caufes,  to  pull  them  down,  and  to 
fubdue  them.  They  are  in  general  half  Jlarved \ and  are 
often  reduced  to  the  neceffity  of  begging  their  victuals  of 
the  flaves.  The  latter,  with  a generofity  and  commife- 
ration,  that  muft  ever  be  the  fevereft  cenfure  on  their 
enflavers,  convey  to  them  privately  through  the  gratings 
the  folicited  relief. 

Water  too,  in  a quantity  fufficient  to  fatisfy  their  thirft, 
is  fcarcely  to  be  obtained.  A gun-barrel  is  carried  to  the 
topmaft  head,  and  fufpended  there.  The  failor,  who  wants 
to  drink,  is  obliged  to  fetch  it  down.  He  then  puts  it 
into  a calk  of  water,  and  applying  his  mouth  to  the 
muzzle,  fucks  the  liquid  up.  When  he  has  done  with  it, 
he  carries  it  to  its  former  place.  Many,  who  are  fick  and 
infirm,  go  without  their  water,  or  fuffer  as  long  as  they 
can,  fooner  than  attempt  to  fetch  the  inftrument  for  ob- 
taining it  in  their  feeble  ftate. 

This  prohibition  of  a fufficient  quantity  of  water  and 
provifions,  the  want  of  which  greatly  impoverifhes  their 
blood,  and  renders  them  more  fufceptible  of  impreffion 
from  the  various  caufes  of  difeafe,  is  wholly  to  be  aferibed 
to  the  nature  of  the  trade  : for  the  time  which  a veflel 
may  ftay  upon  the  coaft,  or  be  upon  the  middle  paffage, 

is 


African  Slave  Trade. 


71 


is  fo  uncertain , and  the  number  on  board  to  be  daily  fup- 
ported  fo  great , that  the  officers  are  under  the  neceffity  of 
aCting  with  the  parfimony  defcribed. 

The  fifth  originates  in  the  following  manner:  When 
the  Haves  are  brought  on  board,  the  feamen,  to  make 
room  for  them,  are  turned  out  of  their  apartments  be- 
tween the  decks.  During  their  ftay  in  the  rivers,  a place 
of  retreat  is  made  for  them,  but  this,  on  their  departure 
from  the  coaft,  is  obliged  to  be  taken  down.  From  this 
period  they  either  fleep  on  the  open  deck,  or  in  the  tops 
of  the  vefTel.  In  fome  veffels  they  are  permitted  to  fleep 
in  the  boat,  which  is  fufpended  under  the  booms,  with  a 
tarpawling  over  them  ufually  full  of  holes.  But  in  gene- 
ral they  are  left  deftitute  of  a covering,  and  are  expofed 
through  the  whole  of  the  middle  pafiage  to  all  the  incle- 
mency of  the  weather.  If  it  rains,  they  muft  unavoidably 
be  wet,  and  in  that  condition  they  muft  unavoidably  con- 
tinue, as  they  have  no  place  of  fhelter,  in  which  they  can 
put  their  heads.  From  this  bad  lodging,  and  this  conti- 
nual expofure  to  colds  and  damps,  and  fuddenly  after- 
wards to  a burning  fun,  fevers  originate,  which  carry 
many  of  them  off ; and  as  to  fome  of  thofe  who  furvive, 
fuch  confirmed  rheumatifms  are  the  confequence,  as  to 
render  them  afterwards  burthenfome  to  themfelves,  and 
unferviceable  to  the  ftate. 

Nor  is  this  the  only  effeCt,  which  this  continual  vicif- 
fitude  from  heat  to  extreme  dampnefs  and  cold,  has  upon 
fome  of  the  furviving  crew.  Inflammatory  fevers,  as  I 
obferved  before,  neceil'arily  attack  them.  Thefc  fevers 
affe£t  the  whole  frame.  The  eye,  from  the  tendernefs 
and  delicacy  of  its  texture,  and  its  fufeeptibility  beyond 
that  of  any  other  organ,  feels  the  inflammation  moft. 
This  inflammation  terminates  either  in  difperfion  or  fup- 
puration.  In  the  firft  inftance,  the  eyes  are  Caved.  In 
the  latter,  they  are  loft.  Thus  many  of  thofe  wrho  fur- 
vive, though  they  afterwards  regain  their  health,  are  ren- 
dered incapable,  in  confequence  of  the  lofs  of  their  fight, 
of  purfuing  a naval  life.  This  caufe,  as  productive  of 
the  two  different  effedts  now  mentioned,  is  to  be  found 
only  in  the  trade  in  flaves. 


The 


72 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


The  fixth,  and  laft  which  I {hall  mention,  is  the  great 
length  of  time  in  which  they  are  made  to  live  upon  fait 
provifions  without  any  intermiflion,  indulgencies  being 
feldom  or  ever  given  them,  as  in  other  trades.  The 
reafon  of  fuch  a niggardly  conduit  in  their  employers  is 
this,  that  the  Have  trade  is  fo  much  more  hazardous  than 
the  reft,  that  every  pitiful  faving  muft  be  made.  Thele 
fait  provifions,  that  are  equally  adminiftered  to  them  in 
health  or  ficknefs,  vitiate  the  juices.  Every  fear,  that  is 
accidentally  raifed  upon  their  flefh,  becomes  an  ulcer. 
Thefe  ulcers  are  hardly  ever  to  be  cured ; and  fo  affeited 
have  been  the  bones  of  many  of  them  with  thefe  fcorbu- 
tick  diforders,  that  a probe  has  been  put  through  them 
with  eafe  ; and  fo  thin  their  blood,  that  it  has  difeharged 
itfelf  at  the  ulcerated  places.  In  this  unhappy  ftate,  many 
of  them,  as  I have  obferved  before,  are  difeharged  in  the 
Weft  Indies,  and  die  there,  while  fome  of  thofe,  who  are 
fo  fortunate  as  to  get  home,  become  incurable. 

It  is  clear,  that  if  the  trade  propofed  were  eflablifhed, 
this  caufe  would  be  immediately  removed.  The  whole 
length  of  the  voyage  would  be  only  five  months.  F refh 
provifions  could  be  afforded  them  on  the  coaft:  and  if  a 
teaman  fell  fick,  he  would  foon  be  carried  to  fea,  (not  as 
in  a flave  veffel,  to  encounter  with  new  and  fatal  diforders 
on  the  middle  paffage)  but  in  a wholefome  fhip,  foon  to 
experience  the  effects  of  his  native  air. 

From  the  feurvy  then,  as  arifing  from  hence,  and  from 
the  flux,  rheumatifm,  and  other  complaints,  as  arifing 
from  the  caufes  afEgned,  fuch  a complication  of  diforders 
is  fixed  upon  feme  of  thofe  that  return,  that  it  is  a doubt 
whether  the  flave  trade  does  not  even  render  more  unfer- 
viceable  than  it  deftroys : and  a perfon  need  only  fee  the 
crews  of  the  flave  veffels  land,  and  trace  them  to  their 
refpe&ive  homes,  or  vifit  the  infirmaries  of  the  place,  to 
be  convinced  of  the  melancholy  truth  of  this  affertion. 

Thefe  being  caufes  then,  which  are  chiefly  peculiar  to 
the  flave  trade,  or  fuch  as  would  be  removed  by  its  aboli- 
tion, it  is  clear,  that  any  veffels,  going  to  the  fame  coaft 
for  different  commodities,  could  not  poflibly  be  liable  to 
an  equal  lofs.  As  a proof  of  this,  (for  in  a cafe  where 

fuch 


African  Slave  Trade. 


73 


fuch  oppofition  may  be  expetfted,  I will  not  even  hazard  a 
juft  inference  where  a proof  can  be  obtained)  1 fhall  fub- 
mit  to  the  infpetftion  of  the  reader  the  followingliftof  ten 
wood  veftels,  taken  promifcuoufly,  as  they  retured  home 
to  the  fame  port,  from  the  year  1781  to  theAuguft  of  the 
year  1787. 

Ships  Names.  Number  of  Men.  Number  of  Men  loft. 
T ryal  1 2 2 

Lively  20  2 

Rebecca  20  7 

Lvon  28  o 

Rebecca  16  2 

Cleveland  8 2 

African  Queen  24.  2 

St.  Andrew  8 o 

Cleveland  8 o 

Hector  20  z 


164 


20 


It  is  manifeft  from  hence,  that  as  feveral  of  the  caufes 
have  been  taken  away,  fo  feveral  of  the  effects  have  been 
removed.  The  lofs  in  the  Have  veftels  from  the  fame 
port  is  nearly  a fourth  of  the  whole  number  employed. 
The  lofs  in  thefe  is  not  quite  an  eighth.  In  nine  hundred 
and  ten  Teamen,  employed  in  the  former,  * tiuo  hundred 
andfixteen  were  among  the  dead.  In  nine  hundred  and 
ten,  if  employed  in  the  latter  only  one  hundred  and  ten 
would  have  perifhed. 

But  there  are  two  or  three  obfervations,  which  I muft 
yet  make.  The  Have  veftels  were  upon  an  average 
fcarcely  feven  months  on  the  coaft.  T he  wood  veftels 
were  from  five  to  fifteen,  or  on  an  average  nearly  ten. 
The  latter  circumftance  is  of  great  importance,  for  if  the 
trade  alluded  to  were  eftablifhed,  no  vefiel  would  have  anv 
neceffity  to  be  longer  at  the  moft  than  three  ; and  it  furcly 
makes  a confiderable  difference,  whether  men,  as  in  the 


* This  Isthe  number  a&ually  on  the  dead  lift,  but  it  does  not  include 
the  maimed,  the  blind,  the  unferviceable,  or  fuch  as  died  after  their  dif- 
charge  in  the  Weft-Indies  or  Great  Britain,  in  confequencc  af  the  trade. 

prefenc 


74 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


prefent  cafe,  are  expofed  to  an  unhealthy  climate  for  ten 
months  without  intermiffion,  or  whether,  being  employed 
in  the  new  trade,  which  would  be  regular,  for  the  fame 
period,  they  would  go  there  and  back  twice  in  the  time 
and  have  two  different  intervals  of  refrefhment  on  their 
native  fhore. 

I mud  obferve  too,  that  the  crews  of  the  latter,  on 
account  of  the  prefent  uncertainty  of  the  trade  in  the 
natural  productions  of  the  country  were  obliged  to  be  up 
and  down  the  rivers,  to  be  much  expofed,  and  to  partake 
of  one  of  the  caufes  of  the  lofs  fuftained  in  the  former. 
Now,  if  the  trade  propofed  were  eftablifhed,  it  is  clear, 
that  this  caufe  alfo  would  be  removed  ; and  that  the  veffels 
of  the  merchants  would  be  then  nearly  in  the  famecircum- 
ftances  as  thofein  his  Majefty’sfervice,  which  are  ftationed 
from  three  to  five  months  only  on  this  coaft,  and  have  no 
neceflity  for  beating  up  and  down,  or  expofing  their  crews 
continually  to  the  inclemency  of  the  weather. 

The  lofs  which  the  crews  of  thefe  experience  is  but 
trifling,  and  only  fuch  as  they  would  have  experienced  had 
they  ftaid  at  home,  as  will  appear  by  the  following  account. 

A LIST  of  fuch  of  His  MAJESTY’S  SHIPS 
As  have  been  ftationed  on  the  Coaft  of  Africa 
Since  the  laft  Peace, 


With  the  lofs  which  they  fuftained  in  their  refpe&ive 


Voyages. 

Ships  Names. 

Number  of  Men. 

Number  of  men  loti. 

Race  Horfe 

IOO 

0 

Bull  Dog 

100 

5 

Grampus  * 

300 

1 

Grampus 

30° 

[ 3 

Grampus 

3°° 

J 

Nautilus 

IOO 

Nautilus 

IOO 

\ 2 

1300 

10 

* The  Grampus  has 

made  three  voyages  to 

the  Coaft  fince  the  peace. 

and  the  Nautilus  two. 

It 

African  Slave  Trade. 


75 


It  is  clear  from  this  account  that  the  lofs,  which  the 
crews  of  his  majefty’s  fhips  have  fuftained  upon  this  coaft 
is  very  inconfidcrable.  Notwithftanding  this,  they  kept 
their  watch,  went  into  the  country  for  v/ood  and  water, 
cut  down  the  former  with  their  own  hands,  navigated  the 
veflel,  and  were  frequently  expofed.  I would  now  afk 
what  the  crew  of  a merchant’s  veflel,  if  this  regular  trade 
were  eftablifhed,  would,  if  we  exclude  the  reception  and 
difcharge  of  the  cargo,  have  more  to  do  ? 

In  fhort,  it  is  clear  from  the  fails  and  obfervations  laid 
down  already,  (and  it  will  be  ftill  more  evident,  if  we 
confider  that  the  lands  of  Africa  could  not  be  cleared  and 
cultivated  without  greatly  improving  the  climate)  that  if 
a regular  trade  were  eftablifhed  in  the  natural  productions 
of  the  place,  and  purfued  with  as  much  Zealand  alacrity 
as  we  have  embarked  in  that  of  ilaves,  this  country  would 
derive  an  ineftimable  benefit  from  the  change.  The  feamen 
employed  in  it,  would  not  only  be  cherifhedand  preferved, 
but  would  be  returned  to  their  native  country  in  health 
and  vigor,  in  cafe  of  an  emergency,  in  a few  weeks  : — 
whereas  the  Have  trade  not  only  cannot  Jupport  it  /elf  by 
any  naval  fubjedls,  which  it  attempts  to  rear,  but  dijlroys 
thofe  that  have  been  reared  and  Jupported  in  other  trades. 
To  which  itmuft  be  added,  that  in  cafe  of  an  emergency 
but  little  benefit  (comparatively  fpeaking)  is  to  be  derived 
from  the  fervices  of  thofe  that  furvive  ; and  that  it  con- 
verts many  of  thofe,  whom  it  returns,  from  the  molt 
ufeful  to  the  molt  unferviceablc  members  of  the  ftate. 


L 


CHAP.  VII. 


76 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


CHAP.  VII. 

Tiie  advocates  for  the  Have  trade  have  never  offered 
but  two  of  its  appendages,  as  political  arguments  for  its 
continuance.  The  firft  of  thefe,  “ that  the  JIave  trade 
“ is  a nurfery  for  our  feamen , ” has  been  canvaffed  in  the 
preceding  chapters,  The  fecond,  therefore,  upon  which 
an  equal  ftrefs  has  been  laid,  is  the  only  one  now  remain- 
ing for  difeuffion. 

This  argumeat  fhall  be  given  in  the  mod  diftindl  and 
advantageous  manner  in  which  I am  able  to  convey  it. 

“ There  are  two  branches  of  the  Have  trade.  By  means 
“ of  the  firft  we  fupply  the  inhabitants  of  our  own  colonies 
“ with  Haves,  and  by  means  of  the  fecond  the  coloniftsof 
“ foreign  nations.  The  latter  generally  pay  for  them  in 
“ hard  dollars.  Thefe  dollars  are  brought  home,  and  de- 
“ pofited  in  our  bank.  Thus  the  nation  becomes  enriched 
“ and  the  fecond  branch  of  the  trade  now  mentioned  is 
“ peculiarly  politic.” 

But  I reply,  if  gold  or  filverbe  objedls  of  fuch  national 
advantage,  abolifh  the  Have  trade.  Open  a trade  to  Africa 
in  the  natural  productions  of  the  country.  The  cold, 
which  is  now  picked  up  in  fuch  fcanty  fragments,  might 
be  then  found  in  abundance : and  you  might  receive 
it  in  quantities,  not  only  equivolent  to  the  manufactures 
which  would  pay  for  fuch  of  the  Haves  as  are  carried  to 
the  Spaniards  or  the  French,  but  in  a much  greater 
proportion. 

This,  I apprehend,  would  have  been  a fatisfadtory 
anfwer  to  the  argument  advanced  j but  this  branch  of  the 
trade  is  really  fo  bad  in  its  tendency,  fo  fatal  in  its  con- 
fequences,  and  fo  truly  impolitic,  that  I cannot  pafs  it 
over  without  fome  farther  remarks. 

it  is  clear,  that  every  lot  of  Haves  which  we  additionlly 
import,  orcaufeto  be  imported  into  their  colonies,  enables 
them  to  clear  an  additional  piece  of  ground  ; every  piece 
fo  gained  fupplies  additional  produce.  This  produce 
employs  additional  feamen  ; and  the  great  number  of 
naval  fubjects,  which  we  thus  additionally  raife  for  an 

enemv. 


African  Slave  Trade. 


77 


enemy,  has  a tendency  ( which  is  not  to  be  put  into  com- 
petition with  the  profits  of  the  fave  trade ) to  diminifh  our 
naval  importance. 

But  the  evil  does  not  flop  here.  The  French,  from  a 
variety  of  caufes,  have  been  able  to  underfell  us  in  this 
produce  at  the  different  markets  of  Europe.  This  has 
given  birth  to  an  additional  fleet  of  fhips  employed  in  the 
exporting  of  it  to  other  countries.  Now,  if  we  confider 
that  French  lhips  carry  nearly  double  the  number  of  fea- 
men  which  ours  of  the  fame  burthen  do,  weftiall  find  that 
wc  are  enabling  our  reputed  enemies,  by  tins  branch  of 
the  trade,  to  difpute  with  us  the  fovereignty  of  the  f'cas. 

It  is  well  known,  that  both  the  Spaniards  and  the  French 
depend  folely  upon  their  American  pofleffions  for  the  re- 
cruit of  their  marine.  It  is  as  much  an  eftablifhed  maxim 
among  them,  as  that  the  fifheries,  if  properly  encouraged, 
would  be  the  completed:  nurfery  for  our  own.  For  this 
purpofe,  the  former  have  opened  their  ports  duty  free  for 
the  reception  of  flaves*  for  ten  years.  For  this  purpofe 
the  latter  not  only  offer  a bounty  by  the  ton  to  the  propri- 
etors of  fuch  veffels  as  import  them  into  the  uncultivated 
parts  of  St.  Domingo,  but  even  afterwards  a bounty  by 
the  head  on  every  imported  Have.  To  this  politic  conduct 
in  our  enemies,  and  to  this  impolitic  con  duel  in  us,  who 
have  fuffered  our  own  fubjeils  to  fupply  them  at  fo  pub- 
lic a difadvantage  to  ourfelves,  is  to  be  attributed  one  of 
the  caufes  that  rendered  them  fo  formidable  at  fea  during 
the  late  war;  for  the  reader  mull  be  informed,  that  fince 
the  year  1760,  we  have  been  affifting  them  with  an 
unaccountable  infanity  to  add  to  the  ftrength  of  their 
marine. 

This  appendage  then  of  the  trade  calls  aloud  for  the 
immediate  interference  of  the  legiflature.  It  is  even  more 
detirmental  than  the  former.  For  we  not  only  increafe  the 
naval  ftrength  of  our  enemies , but  at  the  fame  time  we 
diminijh  our  own.  This  inverfe  ratio  of  lofs  and  gain, 
which  in  their  fcale  of  naval  importance  is  either  way  fo 
much  gain,  and  in  ours  either  way  fo  much  lofs,  is  of  the 


Beginning  in  1786. 


A 

mo  ft 


78 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


moll  ferious  concern,  and  the  effe&s,  which  it  may  pro- 
duce in  a courfe  of  years,  fo  alarming,  that  they  cannot 
be  anticipated  but  with  pain. 

Though  I may  be  thought  to  have  faid  fufficient  on  this 
point,  yet  I cannot  relinquifh  it,  imprefled  as  I am  with 
a fenfe  of  its  importance  to  this  country,  without  fubmit- 
ting  the  following  eftimate  to  the  reader. 

Let  us  fuppofe  that  we  are  the  means  of  taking  only 
fifteen  hundred  (laves  from  the  coaft  of  Africa  for  the  ufe 
of  the  French  and  Spanifn  colonies  in  a given  time.  It 
is  certain,  if  we  judge  from  the  common  rules,  which  are 
too  accurate  to  be  inapplicable  on  this  occafion,  that  fix 
hundred  of  them  will  be  loft  in  the  voyage  and  feafoning 
together.  There  will  be  left  therefore  nine  hundred  effec- 
tive people  for  the  purpofe  of  cultivation.  Thefe  will 
raife  one  thoufand  hogfheads  of  fugar  every  year,  employ 
one  new  {hip,  and  give  birth  to  twenty-five  feamen.  This 
* will  be  the  gain  on  nine  hundred  effective  flaves. 

On  the  other  hand  we  are  to  confider,  that  the  average 
number  of  flaves  taken  in  a Britifh  fhip  being  three  hun- 
t dred  and  ftxty,  four  veft'els  will  be  employed  in  tranfport- 
ing  fifteen,  or  nine  hundred  effective  fiaves,  for  the  ufe  of 
their  plantations.  The  number  of  feamen  loft  in  thefe, 
including  the  dead,  and  the  unferviceable,  will  be  fixty. 

Thus,  in  every  importation  of  nine  hundred  effective 
flaves,  there  is  a gain  to  the  reputed  enemies  of  this  coun- 
try of  twenty-five  feamen,  and  a lofs  to  us  of  fixty ; that 
is,  a real  gain  to  the  former  of  eighty-five , befides  the  ad- 
ditional feamen  employed  in  tranfporting  the  fugar  from 
the  ports  of  France  to  other  nations.  Now,  if  we  con- 
fider that  we  are  the  means  of  importing  annually  fieveral 
thoufand  flaves  into  the  French  and  Spanifh  colonies,  we 
{hall  more  eafily  fee  the  abfurdity,  if  not  the  political 
wickednefs  of  our  prefent  condudl. 

To  fum  up  the  whole.  If  we  ferioufly  confider  the  ap- 
pendages of  the  trade,  which  have  been  falfely  held  out 
as  political  arguments  for  its  continuance ; if  we  con- 
fider that  the  trade  propofed  would  have  a different  ten- 


* This  fubjeft  will  be  farther  inveftigated  in  chapter  the  4th  of  the 
fecond  part  of  this  vvor]*. 


African  Slave  Trade. 


79 


dency,  and  be  followed  with  different  effcdls  ; if  we  con- 
fider  that  it  would  not  interfere  with  the  produdlions  of 
our  prefent  colonies  ; that  it  would  be  attended  with 
emolument  to  numerous  individuals,  and  at  the  fame 
time  with  fubftantial  benefits  to  the  ftate  ; and  if  we  ad- 
ditionally confider,  that  it  might  be  the  means  of  avert- 
ing thofe  heavy  judgments,  which  the  blood  of  the  mur- 
dered Africans  will  undoubtedly  bring  upon  us,  it  will 
appear,  that  there  is  no  one  political  argument  yet  addu- 
ced, why  the  Have  trade  Ihould  be  continued:  There  are 
many  and  important  ones  why  it  fliould  be  fupprejjcd. 


Tnd  of  the  First  Part. 


r 

A N 

ESSAY 

ON  THE 

IMPOLICY 

OF  THE 

AFRICAN  SLAVE  TRADE. 

> 

IN  TWO  PARTS. 

PART  II. 


CHAP.  I 

SECTION  I. 

THE  arguments,  which  the  patrons  of  the  Have  trade 
have  been  accuftomed  to  offer  in  its  defence,  may 
be  divided  into  two  kinds.  The  firft  comprehends  the 
pojitive  advantages  that  refult  from  the  profecution  of  this 
trade;  the  fecond  the  fatal  confequences  of  its  abolition.  The 
former  have  been  examined  already.  The  latter  are  to 
become  the  fubjeft  of  the  remaining  part  of  the  work. 

It  is  faid  firft,  that  if  the  flave  trade  is  aboliflied,  the 
planters  will  be  in  want  of  cultivators  for  their  lands, 
and  that  many  other  melancholy  confequences  will,  refult 
to  them,  as  well  as  to  the  faves  and  the  iflsnds , from 
the  abolition  of  the  trade. 


I Hiall 


82 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


I {hall  {hew  firft,  that  it  is  in  the  power  of  the  planters, 
if  they  pleafe,  to  do  without  frelh  fupplies  from  the  coaft: 

I {hall  then  {hew,  that  if  the  importation  of  Haves  is  pro- 
hibited, no  fuch  want  will  be  found,  but  on  the  other 
hand,  that  the  number  of  cultivators  will  increase:  and, 
laftly,  that  both  the  planters,  the  Haves,  and  the  iflands 
will  be  benefited  by  the  change. 

To  fhew  the  truth  of  the  firft  pofition,  I fhall  have 
recourfe  to  the  following  fadts. 

in  the  year  1771,  a gentleman,  now  in  England,  be- 
came the  proprietor  of  an  eftate,  fituated  near  Montego 
Bay,  in  the  parifli  of  Hanover,  ‘Jamaica.  The  number 
of  Haves,  at  that  time  upon  it,  amounted  to  two  hundred 
and  jeventy-fix , all  of  whom  had  been  born  in  the  fame 
ifland.  In  the  year  1786,  after  fifteen  years  had  elapl'ed, 
the  number  was  found  the  fame : nor  had  any  purehafe 
whatever  been  made  within  that  period,  nor  was  any  at 
the  end  of  it  neceflary. 

In  the  year  1754,  another  gentleman  fucceeded  to  an 
eftate  in  the  fame  parifh  and  ifland.  It  contained,  at  that 
time,  two  hundred  and  thirty-three  Haves.  By  his  laft  ac- 
count, dated  in  June  1786,  the  number  appeared  to  have 
increafed,  without  any  fupplies  from  the  coaft,  to  three 
hundred  and  fourteen , though  fourteen  had  been  lent  to 
other  eftates,  or  manumitted. 

In  the  fame  iHand  are  fix  other  eftates,  which  have 
been  in  a limilar  fituation,  and  for  the  truth  of  which  I 
will  become  accountable  if  required. 

The  firft  of  thefe  has  fupported  itfelf,  independently  of 
the  Have  trade,  for  tiuenty  years,  and  from  no  other  caufe, 
than  that  the  owner,  having  thought  it  more  to  his  in- 
tereft  that  his  Haves  fhould  increafe  by  birth  than  by  pur- 
chafe , made  his  arrangements  accordingly. 

The  fecond  and  third,  fituated  in  the  parifli  of  Claren- 
don, have  had  no  occafion  for  a Angle  recruit  from  Afri- 
ca for  many  years. 

The  fourth,  in  the  parifh  of  St.  James,  found  a re- 
fource  within  itfelf,  and  by  the  following  means.  The 
proprietor  made  it  a rule  to  releafe  every  woman  from  all 
obligation  to  labour,  as  loon  as  {he  had  a certain  number 

of 


African  SLAvfc  Trade.  83 

of  children,  fit  to  be  put  to  work.  The  confequence  of  this 
was,  that  his  fiaves  were  continually  on  the  incrcafc. 

The  fifth  and  fixth,  fituated  in  the  pariih  of  St.  John, 
and  vale  of  Guanaboa,  on  account  of  the  humane  difpo- 
fition  of  the  overfeer,  and  the  moderate  (hare  of  labour 
which  he  impofes  upon  the  (laves,  have  no  neceflityfor 
fupplies. 

The  above  is  an  account  of  fuch  plantations  as  can  be 
fpecified,  and  proved  beyond  the  pofiibility  of  refutation, 
to  have  fubfifted  independently  of  the  Have  trade  in  the 
ifiand  of  'Jamaica . Many  others  are  to  be  found  there  in 
the  fame  predicament.  But  as  fituation,  climate,  and  a 
variety  of  other  circumftances  (beyond  thofe  of  gentle  treat- 
ment) may  be  faid  to  have  contributed  to  bring  them  into  fo 
defirable  a (late,  it  will  be  proper  to  fee  if  in  other  iflands 
fimilar  inftances  can  be  found. 

In  the  year  1773,  in  the  parifti  of  Nichola  Town  and 
ifiand  of  St.  Cbrtjlopher , was  a plantation,  which  contained 
at  that  time  two  hundred  and  ten  fiaves.  The  proportion 
of  females  upon  it  was  but  very  (mail,  when  compared 
with  that  of  the  males.  This  circumftance  was  much 
againft  it  in  point  of  the  increafe  of  its  cultivators.  It 
had,  however,  two  advantages.  The  manager  of  it  was 
an  eafy  humane  man,  and  his  wife  a difcreet  and  tender 
nurfe.  From  thefe  circumftances  alone,  the  number  had 
increafed  in  the  year  1779  to  two  hundred  and  twenty-eight, 
and  in  the  year  1781,  when  the  gentleman,  who  under- 
takes to  authenticate  the  fa£t,  quitted  the  ifiand,  it  had 
become,  without  any  fupply  from  the  coaft,  two  hundred 
and  thirty-four. 

In  the  fame  ifiand,  but  in  the  adjoining  parifh  of 
Cayon,  is  a plantation,  that  has  fupported  itfelf  in  the 
fame  manner.  The  (laves  upon  it  have  been  worked 
with  method,  and  treated  tolerably  well.  In  the  year  1765 
they  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight:  in  the  year 
1766  to  an  hundred  and  fixty:  and  in  the  year  1781,  by 
means  of  generation,  to  one  hundred  and  feventy-two. 

In  the  ifiand  of  Barbadoes  is  a plantation,  the  prefent 
proprietor  of  which  came  into  poflefiion  of  it  in  the  year 
1774.  At  that  time  it  contained  one  hundred  and  nineteen 
(laves.  Five  have  been  purchafed  fince.  In  the  year 

M 1 784 


84 


0:<r  the  Impolicy  of  the 


1784  tivcnty-feven  were  added  to  it,  by  the  bequcft  of  a 
relation,  who  then  died;  fo  that  the  number,  by  extraor- 
dinary means,  amounted  to  one  hundred,  and  fifty-one.  By 
a furvey  in  February  1788,  it  appeared,  that  they  had 
increafed,  without  purchafe,  to  one  hundred  and  fixty-one , 
though  three  had  been  fold,  three  had  been  killed  by  the 
hurricane  in  the  year  1780,  and  three  more  had  apparently 
died  in  confequence  of  it. 

On  another  plantation,  in  the  fame  ifland,  were  reckoned 
in  the  December  of  the  year  1774  one  hundred  and  fifteen 
flaves.  In  the  year  1777  it  received  an  addition,  by 
purchafe,  of  tlirty-two.  This  raifed  the  number  to  one 
hundred  and  forty-feven.  Their  prefent  number,  by 
means  of  generation  is  one  hundred  and  fixty-three , and  it 
had  been  ftill  greater,  had  not  five  been  loft  in  the  fame 
hurricane  as  the  former. 

I muft  not  forget  to  obferve  here,  that  the  flaves  upon 
thefe  eftates  were  treated  with  great  humanity,  and  that 
much  praife  is  due  to  the  proprietor'  of  the  former,  who 
came  forward,  in  the  moft  difinterefted  manner,  to  fub- 
ftantiate  the  faCts. 

There  is  a fmall  eftate  in  the  fame  ifland,  which  has 
alfo  experienced  an  increafe  by  the  fame  means.  In  the 
year  1764  it  was  let  upon  leafe  with  thirty  flaves  upon  it. 
The  treatment  which  they  have  uniformly  experienced 
fince  that  period  has  been  humane  and  mild  : the  confe- 
quence has  been  this,  that  no  recruit  has  been  purchafed 
for  the  purpofe  of  keeping  up  their  ftock,  and  that  their 
prefent  number  is  forty-four.  In  the  fame  ifland  are  fe- 
veral.  other  eftates  in  a fitnilar  fituation. 

In  the  parifh  of  Middle  Ifland  and  Ifland  of  Antigua , the 
proprietor  of  a confiderable  eftate,  in  confequence  of  his 
humane  directions,  and  a determination  not  to  make  any 
purchafes  from  the  coaft,  has  had  no  fupply  (if  we  except 
a few  flaves  taken  from  a difmantled  plantation)  for  thirty 
years. 

In  the  ifland  of  Dominique  is  an  eftate,  on  which  the 
flaves  have  been  fo  much  increafed  by  humane  treatment, 
as  to  have  rende.  ed  any  fupply  unnecejfary. 

In  the  ifland  of  St.  Dorr.inigo  is  a plantation,  belonging 
to  the  refpectable  houfe  of  Fouache,  of  Havre,  Thefe 

gentlemen 


African  Slave  Trade. 


85 


gentlemen  came  to  the  laudable  refolution  not  to  opprefs 
their  flaves.  The  quantity  of  work,  which  was  accord- 
ingly given  to  five  hundred  of  them  to  perform,  was  only 
fuch  as  three  hundred  and  fifty  would  have  been  obliged  to 
execute  on  other  eftates  in  the  fame  time.  The  effetfts 
of  this  humane  regulation  are  now  vifible.  The  flaves 
multiply , and  the  plantation  firofpers. 

In  each  of  the  Danifti  Iflands  of  St.  Thomas  and  St. 
Croix , an  eftate  can  be  pointed  out,  which  has  fupported 
itfelf  by  natural  means.  That  in  the  firft,  when  the 
gentleman  who  communicated  this  intelligence  left  the 
iflands,  was  in  the  polleflion  of  Monfieur  de  Marv’;  that 
in  the  fecond  of  Baron  Shimmelman.  Both  thefe  were 
in  a very  Juperior  ftate  of  culture  at  that  time,  and  had 
received  no  fupplies  whatever  for  many  years. 

In  two  of  the  Granadillas  are  two  plantations,  that  are 
now  in  the  fame  ftate.  The  proprietor  of  the  firft,  when 
he  took  pofl'eflion,  found  that  feveral  of  the  flaves  upon  it 
were  then  old.  Notwithftanding  this,  and  that  thefe  foon 
died,  yet  in  confequence  of  the  gentle  dominion  which  he 
held  over  them,  and  his  prudent  management,  fo  many 
have  been  born  and  preferved,  and  the  lives  of  the  reft  fo 
prolonged,  that  he  has  always  had  a fufficient  number  for 
the  cultivation  of  the  fame  land,  without  the  purchafe  of 
any  recruit  from  the  coaft.  The  other  alfo,  by  the  fame 
means,  has  fupported  itfelf  independently  of  the  flave 
trade. 

I have  now  mentioned  feveral  * ** plantations,  fituated 

* To  this  lift  I may  add  the  following  extradl  from  a Letter  to  the 
Dean  of  Middleham. — “ According  to  the  bell  of  my  remembrance  (fays 
“ the  writer)  the  following  eftates  for  about  twenty  years,  whilft  under 
“ the  management  of  humane  and  merciful  men,  kept  up  their  flock  of 
“ Negroes  by  the  natural  increafe. — Sir  William  Fitzherbert’s  eftate  in 
“ St.  Andrews,  during  the  life  of  Mr.  Rolftone  his  manager; — three 
“ eftates  of  the  late  Colonel  Newton  in  Chrift  Church  and  St.  James’s; 
“ —the  eftate  of  the  late  Mr.  Haggat  in  St.  George’s  and  St.  Peter’s 
“ the  eftate  of  Mr  Graves  in  St.  Lucy’s  ; — the  eftate  of  the  Honourable 
“ William  Bilhop  in  St.  Lucy’s; — the  eftate  of  Colonel  Maynard  in  St. 
“ Michael’s; — an  eftate  of  Sir  Philip  Gibbes,  whilft  under  his  own  di- 
“ redtion ; — the  eftate  of  Mrs.  Ferchufon  in  St.  Peter’s  ; — the  eftates  of 

**  the  late  Thomas  Alley  ne,  Efq.  during  the  life  of  Mr.  Rolftone; — the 
“ eftate  of  Mrs.  Street  during  the  life  of  Mr.  Johnftone.— Thefe  are  all 
“ that  I can  at  prefent  recoiled!.” 


either 


86 


On  the  Impolicy  ok  the 


either  in  the  Britifh,  French,  or  Danifh  iflands,  that  have 
fupported  tbemfelves  by  natural  means , and  in  which,  during 
the  reign  of  their  refpe&ive  proprietors  either  mentioned 
or  alluded  to,  no  reverfe  in  the  fcale  of  their  population 
has  been  experienced,  It  is  my  intention  next  to  refer  to 
fuch,  as  in  this  refpeCt  have  experienced  a change,  or  to 
fuch,  as  being  contiguous  to  each  other,  but  under 
oppofite  fyftems  of  adminiftration,  have  fhown  vifibly 
their  different  effects. 

In  the  parifir  of  Cayon  and  ifland  of  St.  Chriftopher 
was  a certain  plantation  which  was  under  the  manage- 
ment of  a rigid  and  auftere  man.  He  continually  harraffed 
the  flaves ; making  them  work  with  but  little  intermiflion 
for  fix  days,  and  on  the  feventh  obliging  them  to  be  em- 
ployed in  the  cultivation  of  their  little  fpots.  In  confe- 
quence  of  this  continual  obligation  to  labour , and  want  of 
rejl , the  number  of  cultivators  decreafied , and  an  annual 
fupply  was  neceffary  of  about  one  in  ten  to  keep  up  the 
flock.  In  the  year  1763  this  difeiplinarian  left  them,  to 
take  upon  him  the  management  of  a more  confiderabie 
eftate.  He  was  fucceeded  by  a man  of  an  oppofite  cha- 
racter, who  indulged  the  flaves  with  the  free  ufe  of  the 
Sabbath , treated  them  well,  and  took  care  of  them  when 
fick.  Under  his  mild  adminiftration  (notwithftanding  the 
flaves  wrere  all  of  them  native  Africans,  and  notwithftand- 
ing they  were  but  fparingly  fed)  the  face  of  things  was 
fo  much  altered  on  that  eftate,  that  it  had  no  neceffity,  as 
before,  for  any  farther  fupplies  from  the  Coaft. 

In  the  fame  parifh  and  ifland  is  a plantation,  thefitua- 
tion  of  which  has  been  exaClly  the  reverfe  of  the  former. 
In  the  year  1766,  the  proprietor,  who  refided  upon  it,  was 
in  the  poffeffion  of  an  hundred  and  fifty-feven  flaves.  He 
worked  them  judicioufly.  He  fed  them  well.  He  treated 
them  with  tendernefs  and  care.  In  the  year  1772  he 
died  ; when  it  was  found,  that  he  had  raifed  their  number 
onlv  in  fix  years  to  one  hundred  and  eighty , without  any 
purchafes  from  the  coaft.  His  fucceffor,  however,  pur- 
lued  a different  plan.  Let  us  mark  the  confequence. — 
His  flaves,  in  the  year  1781,  were  reduced  tow**  hundred 
and  fifty-feven , fo  that  in  nine  years  all  the  efforts  of  his 
predeceffor  were  undone. 

In 


African  Slave  Trade. 


87 


In  the  ifland  of  St.  Domingo  is  an  eftate  which  has 
experienced  a fimilar  change.  The  owner  conftdered 
himfelf  us  the  father  of  his  fiaves;  he  never  harrafied 
them  with  exceffive  labour.  He  fed  and  treated  them 
well  : and  fo  mild  and  gentle  was  his  govermcnt,  that  it 
became  a proverb,  “ as  happy  as  a Have  of  Gallifct.” 
Thus  treated,  their  increafe  was  rapid.  About  fifteeen 
years  ago  he  died.  The  prefent  proprietor  has  fince 
adopted  a different  fyftem.  His  flaves  continually  de  • 
creafe,  and  he  lofes  by  the  change  of  management. 

In  the  ifland  of  Antigua  is  another  plantation,  in  which 
afimilar  revolution  has  taken  place.  It  was  formerly  ce- 
lebrated for  the  judicious  and  indulgent  treatment  of  the 
flaves,  that  were  then  upon  it.  The  owner  refided  on 
the  fpot.  He  faw  his  flaves  happy.  He  faw  them  increafe 
without  purchafe,  and  fo  rapidly,  that  his  eftate  was 
conftdered  as  overftocked.  Such  was  the  fituation  of 
affairs  under  his  gentle  reign,  when  he  was  taken  from 
the  world.  A different  mode  oftreatment  has  been  fince 
introduced.  The  golden  age  has  been  converted  into  the 
iron.  The  flaves,  nurtured  by  the  foftering  hand  of  their 
former  proprietor,  have  fallen  of  and  the  eftate  is  now 
not  only  in  want  of  an  annual  fupply,  but  is  involved  in 
debt. 

In  the  fame  ifland  are  two  other  plantations,  which 
border  upon  each  other.  The  owner  of  one  of  them  long 
ago  adopted  the  fyftem  of  immediate  exertion.  He  pur- 
chafed  chiefly  males.  He  worked  them  hard,  and  with 
feverity.  The  proprietor  of  the  fecond  declared  in  favour 
of  the  oppofite  plan.  He  proportioned  the  fexes  accor- 
dingly and  he  treated  them  well.  The  effedfs  of  the  two 
different  fyftems  of  adininiftrationwillnowbefeen.  The 
firft  has  been  in  want  of  an  annual  fupply.  The  latter 
has  fupported  itfelf  for  more  than  forty  years , and  the 
flaves  upon  it  have  become  fo  numerous,  that  they  not 
only  do  the  whole  bufinefs  of  the  eftate,  but  are  let  out  at 
talk- work,  to  the  great  emolument  of  the  proprietor,  on 
other  plantations. 

I have  now  given  a fhort  hiftory  of  no  lefs  than  twenty- 
fix  plantations.  From  thefe  and  others  in  a fimilar  fitua- 
tion, it  will  appear,  that  where  there  have  been  any 

favourable 


88 


On  the  ImpolicV  of  the 


favourable  circumftances,  fuch  as  the  proper  proportion 
of  the  fexes  in  one,  gentle  treament  in  a fecond,  any 
indulgence  in  point  of  labour  in  a third,  and  the  1!!.  e, 
there  the  flaves  have  uniformly  increafed : that  where  i;  e 
contrary  have  taken  place,  there  they  have  decreafed,  and 
have  been  in  want  of  [applies.  That  the  fame  eft  ate,  which 
under  a mild  adminiftration  has  been  overftocked,  has, 
under  an  oppoftte  fyftem,  annually  loft  a part  of  its 
labourers  ; that  the  fame,  which  during  a reign  of  rigour 
has  been  conftantly  requiring  recruits,  has  in  that  of  hu- 
manity fupported  itfelf  for  a while,  and  at  length  pre- 
cluded the  neceffity  of  a fupply  : and  that  in  certain 
plantations  contiguous  to  each,  other  fharing  the  fame 
climate,  and  fituated  on  the  fame  kind  :of  foil,  but  under 
oppoftte  forms  of  government,  the  one  has  been  perpetu- 
ally loftng  its  labourers,  the  other  has  been  overftocked: 
In  ftiort,  that  it  is  at  the  option  of  the  planter,  whether 
fupplies  are  requifiteor  not  ; certain  regulations  producing 
the  one,  and  the  contrary  the  oppoftte  effe&s. 

Indeed,  the  very  idea,  that  the  planters  cannot  proceed 
without  frelh  fupplies  from  the  coaft,  is  repugnant  to 
reafon 

For  let  us  firft,for  a moment,  look  upon  the  unfortuate 
Africans  in  the  light  of  cattle.  Is  it  not  in  the  power  of 
any  farmer , who  prefers  breeding  to  purchafing,  to  fupply 
himfelf  with  animals  of  labour  from  his  own  ftock  ? 

Let  us  now  consider  them  as  men.  It  is  an  invariable 
law,  that  any  fociety  of  people,  under  common  advanta- 
ges, muft  at  leaft  keep  up  their  number,  if  not  increafej 
otherwife  providence,  in  calling  the  human  fpecies  into 
life,  muft  have  defeated  his  own  defign.  What  then 
fhould  hinder  the  Africans,  peculiarly  prolific  in  their 
nature,  carried  to  a climate  fimilar  to  that  which  they  have 
left,  and  treated  with  common  humanity,  from  continuing 
their  own  fpecies,  and  precluding  the  neceffity  of  a fupply  ? 
In  fhort,  in  whatever  point  of  view  we  confider  it,  the 
pofition  is  equally  abfurd. 

Mr.  Long,  the  author  of  the  Hiftory  of  Jamaica,  who 
more  than  once  takes  an  opportunity  of  ridiculing  the  fame 
notion,  has  even  gone  fo  far,  as  to  reduce  the  probability 
of  the  increafe  of  the  Africans  in  the  colonies  to  ftated 

rules. 


African  Slave  Trade. 


89 

rules. — “ (If  fays  he)  the  number  of  hogfheads,  made 
“ on  a plantation,  exceeds  or  even  equals  the  whole 
“ aggregate  of  negroes  employed  upon  it,  but  few  children 
“ will  be  brought  up  on  fuch  an  ejlatc , whatever  number 
“ may  be  born  ; for  the  mothers  will  not  have  fufHcient 
“ time  to  take  due  care  of  them  ; and  if  they  are  put 
“ under  the  charge  of  fome  elderly  women  or  nurfe,  as 
“ the  cuftom  is  in  many  places,  it  cannot  be  fuppofed  that 
“ they  meet  with  die  fame  tendernefs,  as  might  be  ex- 
“ peaedfrom  their  parents.  Eut  where  the  proportion  of 
“ annual  produce  is  about  half  an  hoglnead  to  every 
“ negroe,  ! .1  ere  they  will,  in  all  likelihood,  increcfe  very 
“ rapidly  ; and  not  much  if  fo , where  the  ratio  is  of  two 
“ hogfr  <ls  to  every  three  negroes,  which  I take  to  be 
“ ago  mean  proportion:  agreeably  to  which,  an  eftate, 
“ making  rommunibus  anms  two  hundred  hogfheads, 
“ ougiit  to  .nufter  on  its  lift  (old  and  young)  three  hun- 
“ dred  negroes  ; and  if  it  makes  three  hundred  hoglheads, 
“ four  hundred  and  lifty  fuch  negroes,  and  fo  on.  An 
“ eftate  fo  handed  may  not  only,  caeteris  paribus,  favethe 
u ex pence  of  buying  recruits , but  may  every  year  afford 
“pome  addition  to  the  firft  number,  of  which  I have 
“ known  incontejlible  examples  in  Jamaica.”  * 

But  this,  I apprehend,  will  be  found  fufficient.  For 
when  the  reader  refle&s  on  the  number  of  eftates  now 
fpecified,  that  have  fupported  themfelves,  independently 
of  the  Have  trade  ; when  he  conliders  the  uniform  increafe 
in  fome,  the  revolutions  that  have  happened  in  others, 
and  refers  them  to  their  proper  caufes  ; or  when  hecon- 
fults  only  his  own  unbiased  reafon,  he  cannot  but  fee  the 
inconfiftency  of  the  argument,  which  but  too  generally 
prevails,  “ that  the  planters  cannot  proceed  without  freflh 
“ fupplies  from  the  coaft.” 

SECTION  II. 

Having  now  (hewn  the  truth  of  the  firft  pofition  by 
means  of  undeniable  faifts,  I (hall  inquire  into  the  proba- 


* Long.  Vol.  II.  Page  437,  438. 


bility 


90 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


bility  of  the  firft  confequence,  which,  it  is  faid,  will  he 
experienced  in  the  iffands  from  the  abolition  of  the  trade 
in  Haves. 

It  is  faid  firfb,  that  u if  the  importation  of  Haves  is 
“ prohibited,  the  planters  will  be  in  want  of  cultivators 
“ for  their  lands.” 

This  firft  effedl  will  be  beft  feen  by  tracing  the  different 
caufes  of  the  diminution  of  Haves  in  the  colonies,  and  the 
ejfei 1 which  the  abolition  will  have  upon  each  of  thefe. 

It  is  well  known,  that  many  of  the  proprietors  of  poft- 
horfes  in  this  country  adopt  the  following  plan.  They 
purchafe  a horfe  at  a certain  price,  and  at  a certain  age. 
They  drive  them  through  twice  the  work  which  he  ought 
to  perform  in  a given  time.  If  he  lafts  for  a determined 
period,  theyconfider  themfelvs  as  repaid  with  profit.  If, 
after  this,  he  has  not  a leg  to  ftand  upon,  they  do  not 
care. 

This  mode  of  reafoning,  which  is  execrable  even  when 
applied  to  the  brute  creation,  is  in  the  colonies  put  iuto 
execution  on  the  human  fpecies.  It  has  been  often  calcu- 
lated by  fome  of  the  planters  there,  whether  it  is  more  to 
their  intereft  to  work  out  a Have,  by  an  uncommon  impo- 
fition  of  labour,  in  five  or  fix  years,  and  fupply  his  place  bya 
new  recruit  from  the  coaft,  to  be  worked  up  and  fucceeded 
in  the  fame  manner,  or  to  breed  from  their  prefent  flock 
and  to  work  them  with  moderation.  Some  have  wifely 
adopted  the  latter  plan  ; but  the  former  has  been  but  too 
generally  followed. 

It  is  clear,  that  on  all  thofe  plantations,  where  this 
inhuman  fyftem  prevails,  it  is  impoffible  for  the  planter  to 
do  without  frefh  i'upplies.  His  whole  plan  is  confeffedly 
againft  it.  He  has  made  his  calculations  accordingly. 
He  has  ftatedthe  time,  in  which  human  nature  is  capable 
of  fuftaining  itfelf  under  his  talk  of  drudgery  and  his 
lafh.  This  diabolical  determination,  toemploy  new  gene- 
rations of  men  from  the  coaft  of  Africa,  <and  to  work 
them  up  in  a ftated  time,  inftead  of  rearing  them  by 
natural  means,  and  working  them  with  moderatian,  is 
one  grand  fource  of  the  neceflity  for  the  prefent  annual 
fupplies. 

The 


African  Slave  Trade. 


91 


The  firft  effect:,  which  the  * abolition  of  the  Have  trade 
mud  have  upon  the  unfeeling  planters  defcribed,  would 
be,  that  their  execrable  calculations  would  be  flopped. 
No  new  generations  of  men  would  be  then  to  be  had,  as 
before.  They  mud  immediately  change  their  plan. 
They  mud  breed.  They  mud  find  that  refource  within 
themfelves,  which  their  avarice  has  taught  them  to  rejedl; 
and  they  mud  immediately  turn  a fydem  of  calculated 
oppreffion,  and  murder,  into  that  of  lenity,  tendernefs, 
and  prefervation. 

Such  is  the  effedl  which  the  abolition  of  the  Have  trade 
mud  have  upon  this  caufe  of  the  diminution  of  flaves  in 
the  colonies.  There  are  other  edates,  however,  where 
thefe  calculations  are  not  made,  which  are  yet  in  want  of 
fupplies. 

In  almod  all  of  them  it  will  be  found,  that  but  little 
care  is  taken,  or  can  be  taken,  according  to  the  prefent 
fydem  of  things  in  the  colonies,  of  thofe  infants  that  are 
born.  An  incredible  number  of  thefe  annually  perifh, 
who,  if  preferved,  would  have  been  fubdantial  fupplies. 

The  diforder  which  takes  many  of  them  off,  is  the 
locked-jaw.  This  arifes  from  various  caufes,  but  is  par- 
ticularly chargeable  upon  the  comfortlefs  fituation  of  the 
mother,  who  is  deprived  of  neceffaries,  and  of  the  power 
of  paying  that  proper  attention  to  her  child,  in  preferving 
it  from  cold  and  damps,  which  its  infant  fituation  re- 
quires: for  it  is  a remarkable  fadl,  that  this  diforder  paffes 
by  other  infants  in  the  colonies,  whether  black  or  white, 
of  whom  proper  care  has  been  taken. 

It  is  ufual  for  them  too,  before  they  are  weaned,  to 
accompany  their  mothers  to  the  field,  who  tie  them  behind 
their  backs,  and  carry  them  through  the  labour  of  the 
day,  or  leave  them  in  a furrow.  Thus  expofed  to  a ver- 
tical fun,  and  afterwards  to  the  dews  of  the  evening,  or 
to  very  heavy  rains,  and  having  received  hitherto  but  a 
flender  and  unwholefome  fupport  from  the  breads  of  their 
overheated  mothers,  many  of  them  are  taken  off.  Thofe 
who  furvive  the  weaning,  are  left  negledted  at  home,  or 


# I mean  not  only  the  abolition  of  the  Slave  trade  by  the  Briti/h  na- 
tion, but  a total  prohibition  of  the  importation  of  flaves  into  the  colonies 
frem  any  other  quarter. 


N 


are 


92 


Ont  the  Impolicy  of  the 


are  put  under  the  care  of  an  old  and  infirm  woman,  who 
cannot  be  fuppofed  to  have  that  affe&ion  for  them,  which 
their  parents  have,  and  who  is  often  incapable  of  per- 
forming her  allotted  talk.  By  thefe,  and  other  means, 
fome  of  thole,  who  have  efcaped  for  a little  time,  are  added 
to  the  infant  dead. 

The  effect,  which  the  abolition  of  the  Have  trade  mull 
have  on  this  fecond  caufc,  would  be  this.  Every  care  and 
attention  would  be  paid  to  the  rearing  of  the  new  gene  • 
ration.  Convenient  rooms  would  be  built  on  each  ellate 
for  the  accommodation  of  the  women  in  the  laft  ftage  of 
their  pregnancy.  The  mother  would  have  more  time  to 
herfelf,  and  more  indulgencies.  In  fome  eftates  Ihe  would 
have,  perhaps,  a releafe  from  all  future  obligation  to  labour, 
after  Ihe  had  reared  her  third  child ; in  others  fhe  might 
receive  a donation.  Thefe  regulations,  if  put  into  force, 
would  immediately  endear  the  proprietor  to  the  parents; 
would  prove  a co'nflant  incitement  to  their  emulation ; and 
would  be  the  means  of  preferving  a great  number  of  re- 
cruits, who  would  otherwife  have  annually  perilhed. 

A third  caufe  of  the  diminution  of  Haves  in  the  colo- 
nies is  the  very  f canty  allowance  of  provifion  which  is 
given  them  on  many  plantations.  It  is  too  general  a 
cuftom  to  Ipread  aimoft  every  acre,  that  is  plantable,  with 
canes.  But  little  land,  and  even  that  the  won't,  is 
allotted  for  provifions  for  the  Haves.  Thus  the  labourers, 
whofe  prefervation  fhould  have  been  the  firft  and  greatefi 
obje£t,  are  left  deftitute  of  fufficient  nutriment  and 
fupport. 

A fourth  is  the  incefant  and  intolerable  labour  which 
they  are  often  obliged  to  undergo.  Perhaps  their  pro- 
prietor is  extravagant,  or  involved.  To  fupport  his 
luxuries  on  the  one  hand,  or  to  clear  his  incumbrances 
on  the  other,  he  has  recourfe  to  the  finews  of  his  Haves. 
Uncommon  exertions  are  deemed  neceflary  for  the  pur- 
pofe  : and  if  his  fituation  fhould  not  be  fimilar  to  that 
which  I have  fuppofed,  certain  it  is,  that  too  often  the 
reputation  of  the  manager,  and  his  continuance  in  office, 
depend  more,  in  the'  eye  of  his  employer,  on  the  number 
of  hogjheads  of  lugar  annually  made,  than  on  the  prefer- 
vation of  the  Haves, 


A fifth 


African  Slave  Trade. 


93 


A fifth  caufe  is  cruel  and  fevere  ufoge,  fuch  as  the 
conftant  application  of  the  lafh,  confinement,  torture, 
and  other  barbarous  treatment,  whether  for  real  or 
imaginary  faults.  This  depends,  in  fome  meafure,  on 
the  difcipline  of  the  colony,  on  the  abfence  of  the  pro- 
prietor from  his  eftate,  or  on  the  unfeeling  difpofition  of 
the  manager,  who  has  none  but  a temporary  intereft,  and 
who  of  courfe  cannot  be  concerned  in  any  future  advan- 
tage, which  might  accrue  to  the  proprietor  by  the  prefer- 
vation  of  his  flaves.  Under  fuch  managers,  (fays  a 
fenfible  writer)  “ an  increafe  is  not  more  to  be  expc&ed, 
“ than  an  increafe  from  a flock  offheep,  if  a wolf  zv  ere  to 
“ be  the  Jhepherd 

In  confequence  then  of  the  three  caufes,  that  have  been 
mentioned  laft,  namely,  a fcanty  allowance  of  food,  in- 
ceflant  and  intolerable  labour,  and  cruel  and  fevere  ufage, 
either  exifting  feparately  or  conjointly  on  an  eftate,  feverai 
of  the  flaves,  whofe  lives  have  become  a burthen  to  them, 
deftroy  themfelves.  Others  fly  into  the  woods,  where, 
expofed  to  the  cold  of  the  night,  attacked  by  the  pangs  of 
hunger  and  thirft,  and  lacerated  in  their  bodies  by  the 
prickly  teeth  with  which  every  fhrub  is  armed  in  that 
country,  they  foon  perifh  : while  thofe,  who  by  vigilance, 
terror,  or  other  means  are  retained  at  home,  are  neceflarily 
worn  out  in  their  prime,  and  their  lives  fhortened.  Thefe 
circumftances  therefore  occafion,  and  muft  ever  occafion, 
as  long  as  they  exift  a neceflity  for  annual  fupplies. 

The  effeeft,  which  the  abolition  of  the  flave  trade  muft 
neceflarily  have  upon  thofe  who  feed,  work,  or  treat  their 
flaves  as  above  deferibed,  is  evident.  Provifion,  which 
has  hitherto  been  the  laft,  muft  become  the  firft  confide- 
ration  of  the  planter.  A part  of  the  land,  occupied  by 
canes,  muft  be  appropriated  to  the  fupport  of  his  flaves, 
and  a fufficient  quantity  of  the  ncceflaries  of  life  muft  be 
allowed  them.  Regular  hours  of  reft,  and  machines  of 
labour  muft  be  introduced.  The  lafh,  that  was  formerly 
lifted  up  for  imaginary  faults,  or  for  the  indulgence  of 
paflion  and  caprice,  muft  be  kept  down.  Punifhments 
muft  be  more  commenfurate  to  the  offence.  A fyftem  of 
treatment  more  moderate  and  humane  muft  be  adopted. 
It  muft  immediately  ftrike  the  proprietor,  that  if  his  flave 

fhould 


94 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


fhould  fall  by  iJl-judged  feverity  or  negledt,  it  will  be  long 
before  he  can  replace  him. 

There  are  various  other  caufes  of  the  diminution  of 
flaves  in  the  colonies,  all  of  which  muft  be  equally  anni-  . 
hilated  in  their  turn.  New  regulations,  adapted  to  the 
fuppreffion  of  each,  muft  immediately  take  place.  I fay 
“ muft  take  place,”  becaufe  the  planter,  unlefs  he  adopts 
them,  will  have  no  other  profpedt,  than  that  of  inevitable 
ruin.  And  that  he  will  madly  throw  himfelf  from  the 
precipice,  when  he  can  avoid  it  with  folid  advantage  to 
himfelf,  is  a pofition  too  ridiculous  to  be  admitted. 

If  thefe  regulations  then,  or  fimilar  to  thefe,  fhould 
take  place,  as  they  inevitably  muft,  when  every  profpedb 
of  a future  fupply  is  taken  away ; if  population  fhould  be 
really  encouraged  ; if  a lefs  proportion  of  labour  fhould 
be  required,  food  more  plentifully  fupplied,  and  a fyftem 
of  tendernefs  be  adopted  in  the  place  of  that  of  calculated 
feverity  and  oppreflion  ; if,  moreover,  the  progeny  of  the 
then  flaves  fhould  have  the  fame  attention  beftowed  upon 
them,  as  others  of  the  human  race,  it  is  not  only  felf- 
evident,  that,  like  other  human  beings,  they  will  be  able 
to  continue  their  fpecies,  but,  being  endued  with  a more 
prolific  nature  than  the  reft,  that  they  muft  rapidly  in- 
creafc ; and  that  the  planters  will  be  fo  far  from  being  in 
want  of  cultivators  for  their  lands,  that  they  will  foon  be 
enabled  to  put  new  land  into  culture  without  any  purchases 
fro?n  the  coajl. 


SECTION  III. 


I have  now  confidered  the  abolition  of  the  flavc  trade 
as  far  as  it  would  have  an  influence  on  the  prefent 
or  future  number  of  the  flaves  : I come  now  to  the  fecond 
point  of  inquiry,  namely,  to  confider  the  immediate  or 
future  efFedf  which  it  would  have  upon  the  planters,  the 
flaves  themfelves,  and  the  if  anas:  for  it  has  been  faid, 
that  many  other  melancholy  confequences  would  a rife  t<» 
thefi  ’ the  abolition  ofithe  trade. 


The 


African  Slave  Trade. 


95 


The  firft  effedl,  that  the  planter  would  immediately 
experience,  would  be  this.  He  would  lave  the  money 
formerly  expended  in  the  purchafe  of  new  (laves,  and  of 
courfe  avoid  the  inconceivable  difficulties  which  he  has 
now  neceflarily  to  encounter  on  this  account. 

That  the  reader  may  form  a notion  of  the  diftrefs  un- 
der which  he  frequently  labours  from  this  circum  fiance, 
and  of  the  advantages  refulting  from  the  change,  I fhall 
give  him  the  fentiments  of  Mr.  Long,  who  was  too  much 
attached  to  the  interefl  of  his  friends  in  the  iflands,  to 
deceive  them  in  this  particular. 

* “ The  purchafe  of  new  negroes  (fays  he)  is  the  moffc 
“ chargeable  article  attending  thefe  cflates,  and  the  true 
“ Jource  of  the  diftrefies  under  which  their  owners  fuf- 
“ fer : for  they  involve  themfelves  fo  deeply  in  debt  to 
tc  make  thefe  inconfiderate  purchafes,  and  lofe  fo  many  by 
“ difeafe  or  other  means  in  the  feafoning,  that  they  be- 
“ come  unable  to  make  good  their  engagements,  are 
“ plunged  in  law  fuits  and  anxiety  ; while  for  want  of  fome 
“ prudent  regulation  in  the  right  hufbanding  of  their 
u flock,  and  promoting  its  increafe  by  natural  ?neans , they 
“ intail  upon  themfelves  a neceffity  of  drawing  perpetual 
“ recruits  of  unfeafoned  Africans.,  the  expence  of  which 
“ forms  only  a new  addition  to  their  debts  and  difficulties.” 

To  confirm  this,  I fhall  flate  a few  particular  facts. — 
In  the  ifland  of  Jamaica  four  courts  are  annually  held, 
namely,  in  the  months  of  February,  May,  Augufl,  and 
November.  About  three  thoufand  new  adlions  are  ufu- 
ally  brought  at  each  of  thefe,  chiefly  on  bonds  ; and  of 
thefe  bonds  about  nine-tenths  are  fuch  as  have  been  given 
to  the  fadlors  for  new  flaves. 

In  the  fame  ifland  about  five  hundred  thoufand  pounds  paf- 
fed  through  the  hands  of  a certain  fherift  in  three  years. 
This  prodigious  fum  had  been  procured  by  the  fale  of 
goods,  taken  chiefly  on  execution  on  fuch  bonds,  as  had 
been  given  for  the  Jame purpofe  as  the  former. 

The  principal  part  of  thofe  who  were  confined  in  the 
goals  of  the  fame  ifland,  during  the  fame  period,  confifted 
of  people  whofe  perfons  had  been  feized,  after  the  bluing 

* Long's  Hiftory  of  Jamaica.  Vol.  I.  Page  437. 

out 


96 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


out  of  executions  on  judgment,  to  make  up  that  defici- 
ency in  their  payment  for  fiaves , to  which  their  goods 
had  not  been  found  adequate. 

It  is  eafy  to  fee  from  hence,  and  the  foregoing  quotati- 
on from  Mr.  Long,  that  I have  not  been  Hating  a vifiona- 
ry  or  chimerical  advantage.  The  planter,  in  confequence 
of  the  regulations,  that  would  unavoidably  follow  the 
abolition  of  the  Have  trade,  would  protect  the  lives  of  his 
prefent  fiaves.  In  the  interim,  the  rifing  generation 
would  be  fhooting  up.  To  fave  therefore  the  purchafe 
money  ufually  expended  in  thefe,  to  be  freed  from  a 
fource  of  continual  inquietude  and  diftrefs,  and  at  the 
fame  time  to  experience  no  diminution  in  the  returns  of 
his  eftate,  is  an  advantage  fo  fubftantial  and  important  at 
the  firft  fight,  as  to  need  no  farther  illustration. 

There  is  a fecond,  however,  which  he  would  alfo  im- 
mediately feel.  His  fiaves  would  become  more  valuable. 
Whatever  may  be  his  property  in  thefe  at  the  prefent 
moment,  certain  it  is,  that,  on  the  moment  of  the  abo- 
lition of  the  flave  trade,  it  would  be  confiderably  increas- 
ed. Is  the  value  of  it  but  barely  adequate  to  the  dis- 
charge of  his  debts  ? — He  would  be  able  to  free  himfelf 
from  thefe,  and  to  have  an  overplus  for  himfelf. — In  Short, 
whatever  may  be  his  Situation  in  the  ifiands,  he  would 
derive,  in  this  refpect,  an  immediate  benefit  from  the 
change. 

But  his  future  would  be  infinitely  greater  than  his  pre- 
fent advantages.  His  fiaves,  which  would  become  im- 
mediately more  valuable  in  confequence  of  the  abolition, 
would,  in  procefs  of  time,  become  more  valuable  from 
another  confidcration.  Let  us  view  them  therefore  at  a 
diftant  period.  Let  us  fee  their  Situation  in  about  twen- 
ty years,  after  this  great  event  has  taken  place. 

At  this  period,  it  is  to  be  prefumed,  that  all  the  fiaves 
in  the  ifiands  would  be  Creoles . 

In  the  firft  place,  they  would  have  been  inured  from 
their  infancy,  in  regular  gradation  of  employment,  to 
labour.  They  would  of  courfe  be  more  hardy,  and  ca- 
pable of  the  plantation  work,  than  any  of  their  prede- 
ceflbrs,  who,  having  led,  perhaps,  a life  of  indolence  in 
their  own  country,  have  been  but  little  capable  of  fuftain- 


African  Slave  Trade.  97 

ing  the  fatigue  which  they  have  been  fentenced  to  un- 
dergo. 

They  would,  fecondly,  be  more  ready  and  expert. — 
Born  on  the  iflands,  they  would  attain  our  language,  and 
underftand  us  immediately : whereas,  their  predecefl'ors, 
the  imported  Africans,  have  been  unable,  for  a length  of 
time,  to  comprehend  our  meaning. 

Thefe  circumftances  would  greatly  increafe  their  price, 
if  expofed  to  fale,  and  of  courfe  the  property  of  their  poi- 
feflors  : and  as  a proof  of  it,  I appeal  to  the  planter,  whe- 
ther he  does  not  confider  a Creole , at  this  moment,  of 
twice  the  value  of  an  imported  Jlave. 

This  is  one  of  the  future  advantages  which  the  planter 
would  unavoidably  experience  in  confequence  of  the  abo- 
lition of  the  trade.  I fhall  now  proceed  to  enumerate 
the  reft. 

His  work  would  be  better  done.  This  is  evident  from 
the  habit  of  labour,  which  his  Haves  would  have  acquir- 
ed from  their  infancy,  and  (if  I may  be  allowed  the  ex- 
preftion)  their  apprenticejhip  to  their  work. 

More  of  it  would  be  done  in  the  fame  time.  This  may 
appear  a paradox  to  many.  But  the  labour  of  thofe  flaves 
who  are  ruled  with  a rod  of  iron,  is  inconceivably  fmall. 
Will  a man  work  with  alacrity  for  the  mafter  who  ftarves, 
tortures,  and  opprefles  him  ? Will  he  work  with  alacrity 
where  he  has  no  intereft  in  his  labour  ? Where,  if  his 
ftnews  are  worn  out  with  exertion,  he  is  not  fuffered  to 
partake,  in  any  degree,  the  fruits  of  his  pains  ! But, 
reverfe  the  feene.  Let  him  be  treated  with  tendernefs. 
Let  his  wants  be  fupplied.  This  will  operate  as  an  incite- 
ment to  his  exertions  ; gratitude  will  demand  a return  ; 
and  his  labour  will  carry  with  it,  wherever  it  is  traced, 
diftinguifhing  marks  of  the  change.  This  is  not  merely 
a fpeculative  pofition.  It  is  founded  on  experience.  .Ma- 
ny planters  have  been  witnefi'es  of  the  fact. 

A certain  American  refugee  fled  with  his  flaves,  dur- 
ing the  late  war,  to  the  ifland  of  Jamaica.  It  was  his 
conftant  cuftom  to  treat  them  well,  to  viiit  them  in  their 
ficknefs,  to  attend  to  their  complaints,  to  confider  them 
rather  as  fervants  for  whom  he  had  a regard,  than  as  his 
flaves.  In  confequence  of  this,  their  indulgences  were 

many 


o8 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


many.  Thefe,  however,  were  not  loft  upon  them. 
They  brought  their  mafter  the  firft  fruits  of  their  little 
fpots,  of  their  poultry,  of  their  fwine.  They  behaved 
in  an  orderly  manner,  and  toiled  for  him  with  alacrity 
and  joy. 

Thefe  indulgences,  however,  did  not  fail  to  attradl  the 
notice  of  the  managers  of  the  neighbouring  plantations. 
They  looked  upon  them  with  a painful  eye.  They  at 
length  waited  upon  the  difpenfer  of  them,  and  allured 
him,  that  if  he  continued  his  mild  adminiftration,  he 
would  ruin  the  difeipline  of  his  neighbour’s  Haves.  His 
reply  was. this: — “ I treat  my  Haves  with  lenity.  They 
“ work  four  hours  in  the  day  lefs  than  yours.  Notwith- 
ftanding  thefe  indulgences  they  do  more  work  than 
“ yours,  who  are  whipped  through  it  from  morning  to 
night.  The  comparative  advantages  are  fo  great  in 
4t  mv  favour,  from  my  prefent  fyflem,  that,  if  I paid  no 
“ regard  "to  the  calls  of  humanity,  I muft  continue  to 
“ purl'ue  it.” 

Such  would  be  the  cafe  were  the  Have  trade  abolifhed ; 
for  fuch  humane  treatment,  and  fuch  indulgencies  would 
be  the  confequence  of  the  abolition,  as  would  prove  an 
incitement  to  the  exertions  of  the  Haves,  more  than  the 
itimulus  of  the  lafti,  or  the  goad  of  avarice  and  oppref- 
fion. 

To  this  advantage  of  having  a greater  quantity  of  work 
performed  in  the  fame  time , which  would  increafe  the  an- 
nual profit  or  returns  of  the  planter,  another  would  be 
added.  In  confequence  of  the  abolition  of  the  Have  trade, 
be  would  have  heen  under  the  neceffitv  of  appropriating  a 
certain  portion  of  land  to  the  fuftenancc  of  his  cattle,  and 
his  Haves.  We  Ihould  fee  him,  therefore,  at  the  future 
period  affigned,  in  a comfortable  fituation  : not  uneal'y 
and  agitated  as  before,  not  depending  upon  a precarious 
fubfiftence  from  diftant  parts,  efpeciaily  in  the  time  of 
war,  but  having  every  refouice  on  his  own  eftate,  and  in 
his  own  power. 

But  if  any  future  advantage,  which  he  would  experience 
from  the  abolition,  is  to  be  eftimated  higher  than  the  reft, 
it  would  be  this, — that  he  would  Heep  in  peace,  and  be  no 
longer  under  apprehenfions  from  thofe  private  cabals,  and 

open 


African  Slave  Trade. 


99 

open  infurrections,  which  his  former  condudt  had  fo 
defervedly  occafioned. 

Many  of  the  unfortunate  people,  who  are  brought  into 
the  colonies,  have  been  kidnapped,  have  been  forcibly 
torn  from  their  connections.  The  remembrance,  of  thefe 
is  painful.  It  frequently  excites  the  figh,  and  makes 
them  difiatisfied  and  reftlefs.  Others,  if  procured  in  a 
fairer  manner,  have  been  yet  unufed  to  labour.  The 
fevere  talk,  impofed  upon  them  in  the  colonies,  is  of 
courfe  only  the  more  fenfibly  felt.  This,  with  cruel 
ufage,  confinement,  torture,  and  other  circumltances, 
prevents  an  attachment  to  their  mailers,  makes  them 
revengeful,  vigilant  to  gratify  that  revenge,  and  indulgent 
of  it,  if  occaiion  oilers. 

The  Haves  on  the  other  hand,  at  the  period  affigned, 
would  be  all  Creoles , and  in  a diffrent  predicament. 
They  would  not  have  been  violently  feparated,  like  their 
predecelTors,  from  that  country,  and  thofe  connections 
which  they  elteemed  moll  in  life.  They  would  have  been 
inured  from  their  infancy  to  labour,  and  would  find  no 
hardlhip  in  their  allotted  talk.  T hey  would  not  be  fo 
keenly  fenfible  of  the  lofs  of  liberty,  which  is  perhaps,  of 
all  others,  the  greatell  incitement  to  an  infurreftion.  A 
bird,  that  has  been  bred  up  in  captivity,  does  not  repine 
like  one,  that  has  been  taken  from  the  woods,  and  con- 
fined within  the  narrowlimits  of  a cage.  Such  would  be 
the  fituation  of  the  Haves  at  this  future  period  ; and  fo 
jultly  (as  the  reader  will  fee)  are  thefe  confequences  to  be 
apprehended,  that  it  is  a matter  of  fad,  that  “ * the  chief 
“ actors  in  the  feditions  and  mutinies,  which  at  different 
“ times  have  broken  out  in  the  ifiands,  have  been  the 
“ imported  Africans  whereas  fome  of  the  Creole  faves 
have  been  intrufted  with  arms  in  there  hands  without 
abufe. 

Thefe  would  be  the  chief  advantages  that  would  relult 
to  the  planter  from  the  abolition  of  the  trade  in  Haves. 
A fource  of  continual  embarrafiment  and  diltrefs  would 
be  immediately  taken  away.  His  property  would  be  con- 
fiderably  increafed  ; his  annual  returns  larger  : he  would 


* Loug’a  Hiftory  cf  Jamaica.  Voi.  II,  p.  444. 


feel 


100 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


feel  himfclf  in  an  independent  fituation,  in  point  of  fub- 
fiftence  either  in  peace  or  war  ; and  he  would  have  the 
unfpeakable  fatisfaction  of  going  to  his  bed  fearlefs  of  any 
private  machinations,  and  in  full  confidence  that  his  pro- 
perty as  well  as  his  perfon  would  be  fecure. 

Having  confidered  what  would  be  the  immediate  or 
future  fituation  of  the  planter , in  confequence  of  the 
change,  I come  now  to  that  of  the  Jlave. 

If  the  flave  trade  were  abolifhed,  it  is  evident  that 
many  mild  and  falutary  regulations  would  immediately 
take  place;  that  the  flave  would  be  better  fed  ; that  his 
hours  of  labour  would  be  reduced  to  fewer  in  the  day ; 
that  his  perfon  would  be  more  fecure  ; that  he  would  have 
the  power  of  appeal  ; and  that  every  fpur,  that  could 
promote  population,  would  be  adminiftered.  Thefe 
then,  or  fimilar  regulations,  unavoidably  taking  place, 
we  fhould  fee  a material  change  in  his  fituation.  We 
fhould  fee  him  in  pofl’effion  of  a little  time  to  himfelf, 
and  devoting  it  either  to  his  own  amufement,  or  in 
the  improvement  of  his  little  fpot,  to  his  future  advan- 
tage and  fupport.  We  fhould  fee  him,  not  chilled 
with  horror  at  the  fight  of  his  proprietor  as  before,  but 
fmiling  with  gratitude  and  joy.  We  fhould  fee  him 
legally  engaging  in  the  bands  of  connubial  happinefs; 
while  his  wife  would  have  time  to  nurfe  and  enjoy  her 
child,  not  regretting  that  fhe  had  brought  it  unto  the 
world  to  inherit  a life  of  perpetual  mifery  and  woe,  but 
to  be  a witnefs  of  her  new  fituation,  and  to  fhare  the 
change.  Thus  experiencing  on  one  hand,  a diminution 
of  their  former  rigours,  and  railed  to  pofitive  advanta- 
ges on  the  other,  they  would  both  immediately  be  ad- 
mitted to  a certain  portion  of  bappinefs , and  their  condition 
be  confidera'bly  improved. 

This  change  having  once  taken  place,  and  great  benefit 
having  necefiarily  arifen  to  the  planter  from  the  adoption 
of  it,  there  can  be  no  difficulty  in  anticipating  the  future 
fituation  of  the  flave;  for  it  is  natural  to  fuppofe,  that  if 
advantages  fhould  have  been  found  to  accrue  to  the  plan- 
ter in  proportion  to  his  humanity,  he  would  ftill  proceed ; 
and  when  that  fyftem,  which  was  the  confequence  of  the 
abolition  of  the  flave  trade,  had  had  its  due  operation,  he 

woulc 


African  Slave  Trade. 


ioi 


would  adopt  a fecond  ftill  more  lenient  and  equal.  Every 
new  indulgence  of  this  kind  would  advance  the  Have  in  the 
fcale  of  focial  life,  and  improve  his  condition.  Every 
improvement  of  his  condition  would  qualify  him  the  more 
for  the  reception  of  Cbriftianity  and  freedom ; and  if  ever 
thefe  glorious  events  were  to  be  brought  to  pafs,  then 
would  be  the  aera,  in  which  happinefs  would  be  the  moft 
extenfively  diffufed  in  the  colonies,  and  the  eftate  Gf  the 
planter  be  produ&ive  of  the  greateft  * gain. 

I come  now  to  the  confequences  which  would  refult  to 
the  iflands , by  the  abolition  of  the  Have  trade. — Thefe 
conlequences  would  be  truly  valuable,  as  the  iflands  would 
be  fafe  and  impregnable  during  the  time  of  war. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  planters,  at  this  period,  have 
been  in  general  in  continual  alarm.  The  fugitive  flaves 
have  never  failed  to  make  their  incurfions,  and  to  be  ready 
to  join  the  foe.  Their  own  flaves  on  the  plantations  have 
been  peculiarly  ripe  for  a revolt,  and  have  only  waited  for 
an  opportunity  of  gratifying  their  revenge.  In  fhort, 
they  have  been  well  allured,  that  if  the  enemy  could  only 
have  contrived  to  arm  them,  a general  maflacre  would 
have  taken  place,  and  the  iflands  have  been  loft. 

This  will  fhew,  in  a more  confpicuous  light,  the  great 
importance  of  the  change  that  would  take  place  in  confe- 
quence  of  the  abolition  of  the  trade.  In  a few  years  all 
the  flaves  upon  the  iflands  would  be  Creoles , and  as  every 
man  has  naturally  an  attachment  to  his  native  Ipot,  fo 
the  Creole  would  have  a partiality  for  thefe.  In  thefe 
iflands  alfo  would  be  his  relatives  and  friends,  his 
little  property,  his  fpot  of  nutrition,  and  his  home.  He 
would  fpeak  the  fame  language  as  his  mafter,  contract  the 
fame  habits,  imbibe  the  fame  prejudices.  Thefe,  and 

* Attempts  have  been  made  in  a certain  French  colony,  for  fome  lime 
pad,  to  bring  the  flaves  by  degrees  into  the  enjoyment  of  liberty  and 
property.  And  the  progrefs  of  this  edablifliment  tends  to  prove,  that  a 
flmilar  fydem,  if  general,  would  be  not  only  conducive  to  the  profperity 
of  the  colony,  but  alfo  to  the  private  interejl  of  the  fre/ent  proprietors  of 
plantations.  In  America  many  flaves  have  been  liberated.  The  confe- 
rence has  been,  that  the  face  of  the  country  has  been  altered,  the  lands 
in  a higher  date  of  cultivation,  and  the  proprietor  enriched.  In  Cochin 
China  the  fugar,  which  is  wholly  made  there  by  free  men,  can  be  af- 
forded at  tsnefeventb  of  the  price,  for  which  it  is  fold,  when  made  by 
flames. 


102  On  the  Impolicy  of  the 

other  circumftances,  would  excite  his  alacrity,  his  vigi- 
lance, his  courage,  his  exertions,  and  he  would  be  found 
to  the  iflands  a fteady  and  a faithful  protedlor,  and  to  the 
invadors  a bitter  and  a formidable  foe. 

T o fhew  that  this  is  not  merely  ideal,  or  without 
foundation,  I {hall  relate  a fact,  that  happened  during  the 
late  war.  In  the  ifland  of  Barbadoes  the  greateft  part  of 
the  Haves  are  Creoles.  They  are  ufed  in  general  with 
more  humanity  there  than  in  the  other  illands ; though  their 
treatment  is  by  no  means  fuch  as  they  would  experience, 
were  the  trade  abolifhed.  Notwithftanding  this,  feveral 
of  them  were  feledted,  and  formed  into  a military  corps. 
T hey  were  found  to  be  vigilant,  and  ready,  on  every 
occafion : and  no  one  inftance  could  be  found  on  the 
whole  ifland  where  a flave  had  abufed  the  confidence  re- 
pofed  in  him,  or  had  turned  his  arms  to  a bad  purpofe. 

I have  now  enumerated  the  principal  confequences  that 
would  unavoidably  refult  to  the  planters , th ejlaves  them- 
felves,  and  the  ijlands , from  the  abolition  of  the  flave 
trade.  I need  not  obferve,  that  they  are  fuch,  as  are 
highly  important  in  themfelves,  truly  pleafing  in  the 
anticipation,  and  moft  devoutly  to  be  prayed  for. 
Indeed,  there  is  no  profpefl,  that  we  are  obliged  to  view 
at  a difiance,  that  is  fo  charming  and  delightful.  Forlet 
us  fee  the  planter  at  a futnre  period,  not  the  tyrant  and 
defiroyer,  but  the  fhepherd  and  the  guardian  of  his  flaves. 
Let  us  fee  them  looking  upon  him  in  return  as  the 
dilpenfer  of  their  bleflings  ; gratefully  acknowledging  his 
favours,  endeared  to  him  from  the  ties  of  principle  and 
gratitude.  Let  us  fee  them  annually  improving  both  in 
their  temporal  and  religious  ftate.  Then  fhall  the  chains 
of  defpotifm  be  broken.  The  Daemon  torture  fhall 
throw  her  inftruments  into  the  fca  : commerce  extend  her 
fwelling  fails  ; embarraflments  be  no  more;  fecurityand 
confidence  eftablifhed ; a golden  age,  in  fhort,  reign  in 
the  coloniel  plains  ; and  a fpot,  that  was  once  the  fcene 
of  accumulated  perfecution  and  murder,  be  the  manfions 
of  peace,  fecurity,  happinefs  and  joy. 

If  this  defirabie  change  then  were  to  take  place,  as  it 
inevitably  muft;  if  all  thefe  bleflings  were  to  follow; 
how  additionally  impolitic  is  the  Jlave  trade , which  is  the 
only  impediment  to  their  realization ; which,  by  holding  up 

to 


African  Slave  Trade. 


1C3 

to  the  planter  the  profpect  of  an  annual  fupply,  onlv 
encourages  him  to  wade  and  diffipate  human  life,  and  to 
be  cruel;  and  which,  by  furnifhing  him  with  people 
deprived  of  the  natural  rights  of  men,  fills  him  frequently 
with  alarm,  and  obliges  him  often  to  adopt  a fvftem  of 
difcipline  and  oppreffion,  that  will  for  ever  hinder  him 
from  experiencing  the  folid  advantages  described. 


CHAP.  II. 

SECTION  L 

The  patrons  of  the  Have  trade  having  founded  an 
argument,  in  fupport  of  their  caufe,  or>  the  fatal  confe- 
quences  of  its  abolition  to  the  colonics , derive  another 
from  the  baneful  effects  which  would  refult  from  it  to  this 
kingdom. 

They  aflert  firfl,  that  if  fuch  an  event  were  to  take 
place,  it  would  annihilate  a confiderable  branch  of  the 
revenue. 

No  argument,  perhaps,  has  been  deemed  of  greater 
importance  by  the  opponents  of  the  abolition,  than  this. 
Theyhave  been  affiduous,  both  in  their  converfation  and  in 
their  writings,  to  difleminate  it.  Theyhave  never  failed 
to  mention  it  too  with  their  wonted  confidence,  and  but 
too  many  have  implicitly  admitted  it  without  an  invefti- 
gation  of  the  fa£t.  It  will  be  proper  therefore  to  exa- 
mine into  the  truth  of  their  afiertion,  and  to  fee  how  far 
the  objection,  advanced  by  them,  is  valid. 

The  lofs  which  the  revenue  might  fuftain  in  confequence 
of  the  abolition  of  the  flave  trade,  could  be  effected  only 
in  three  ways.  It  might  be  fuppofed  to  fuffer,  firfl,  by 
the  lofs  of  duty  on  fuch  goods  as  are  ufually  exported  to  Africa , 
and  the  exportation  of  which , on  fuch  an  event,  would  ceafe. 
This  point  I fhall  immediately  confider.  The  remaining 
two  fhall  be  noticed  in  their  proper  place. 

To  inveftigate  this,  it  will  be  proper  to  enumerate  the 
articles  that  are  ullially  exported  from  this  country  to  the 

coaft. 


104 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


coaft.  Thefe  may  be  divided  into  three  dalles,  namely, 
Br.tifh,  Eaft-Indian,  Eaft-Indian  and  Venetian  con- 
jointly. 


In  the  firft  clafs  may  be  rockoned 


Gunpowder 

Shot 

Guns 

Gun-flints 

Cutlaftes 

Knives 

Brafs-  pans 

Iron-bars 

Lead-bars 

Copper-rods 


Pewter-ware 

Earthen-ware 

Glafs 

Brandy 

Manilloes 

Neptunes 

Cottons 

Linens 

W oolens 

Fuftains. 


In  the  fecond  clafs  may  be  reckoned 


Blue  cloths 

Brawles 

Bejutapants 

Callicoes 

Culhtaes 

Chintz 


Chelloes 

Nicamees 

Negampants 

Romalls 

Photaes 


In  the  third  clafs  may  be  reckoned. 


Arrangoes 

Cowries 

Amber-beads 


Coral 

Great  bugle 
Small  bugle 


The  articles  mentioned  in  the  firft  clafs,  being  of  the 
production  and  manufacture  of  Great  Britain,  pay  no 
* duty  on  exportation,  and  of  courfe,  were  they  never 
more  to  be  carried  to  the  coaft,  the  revenue  could  fuftain 
no  injury  bv  the  change. 

Thofe  in  the  fecond  confift  of  fuch  as  are  either  pro- 
hibited, and  neither  pay  duty  nor  receive  drawback,  or 
of  fuch  as  have  the  whole  duty  returned  in  cafe  of  expor- 
tation to  Africa. 


* Piinted  cottons  pay  cicifc,  which  is,  however,  drawn  back  on 
exportation. 

Thofe 


African  Slave  Trade. 


i°5 


Thofe  in  the  third  are  all  of  them  fubjedt  to  a duty,  but 
the  * drawback  is  fo  great,  that,  after  the  receipt  of  it, 
fcarcely  fufficient  is  left  to  pay  for  the  proportion  of  falary 
of  thofe  in  office,  under  whole  cognizance  they  fall. 

It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  the  revenue  could  not 
fuffer  at  all  by  any  lofs  of  duty  on  the  goods  exported  from 
hence  to  Africa,  were  the  trade  abolifhcd. 

The  fecond  way,  in  which  the  revenue  might  be  fup- 
pofed  to  fuftain  a lofs,  might  be  by  a lofs  of  duty  on  fuch 
of  the  productions  of  Africa , as  are  ufually  imported  front 
thence  into  this  kingdom , and  the  importation  of  which  would 
ceafe. 

A few  words  only  will  be  necefi'ary  to  afcertain  this 
point.  The  productions  of  Africa  are  brought  to  us  by 
two  different  means  of  conveyance,  namely,  of  the  wood 
and  of  the  flave  veffels.  The  greater  fhare  of  them  is 
imported  by  the  former,  fo  that  whether  the  flave  trade 
were  abolifhed  or  not,  this  proportion  would  ftill  continue 
to  be  brought.  If  it  were  abolifhed,  that  part  of  them, 
which  is  now  brought  home  by  the  latter,  to  the  detriment 
of  the  fair  trader  upon  the  coaft,  would  fall  in  their  pro- 
per channel.  More  wood  veffels  would  be  immediately 
fitted  out,  nor  would  any  diminution  whatever,  either 
immediately  or  in  future,  be  experienced  by  the  re- 
venuce  in  this  infance , from  the  abolition  of  the  trade 
in  flaves. 

The  third,  and  only  remaining  way  in  which  it  can  be 
fuppofed  that  the  national  purfe  would  fuffer,  muff  be  by 
a lofs  of  duty  on  rum  and fugar , both  of  which  being  pro- 
duced by  the  toil  of  flaves,  might  cither  decreafe  in 
quantity,  or  be  annihilated  in  the  illands,  were  the  trade 
aboliihed. 


Drawback. 

£29  ° 


* This  will  be  feen  from  the  following  flatement. 

Duty. 

Arrargoes  ? for  every  £.  100  of  the  C ^ o 
Cowries,  5 real  value  thereof  £ 

Beads  Amber,  J .. 

Corel,  l Ferlb>  * 0 

Bugle  Small,  per  lb.  - o 

Bugle  Great  per  lb.  o 

To  this  flatement  I may  add,  that  fo  far  is  the  revenue  from 
benefited,  that  the  bounties,  paid  out  of  it  on  goods  exported  to  Africa 
amount  to  ten  times  mote  than  any  duties  which  it  receives. 


4 5 
2 7 
7 


2 5 
1 6 
being 


With 


io6  On  the  Impolicy  of  the 

With  refpect  to  a diminution  of  the  ufual  quantity  of' 
thefe  valuable  articles,  which  would  of  courfe  occafion  a 
diminution  of  revenue,  I apprehend  there  is  no  perlbn  fo 
extravagant  as  to  fuppofe,  that  it  could  take  place  when 
the  rifing  generation  were  grown  up.  It  will  be  therefore 
proper  to  enquire  firfc,  what  would  be  the  fituation  of 
things,  from  the  moment  of  the  abolition  of  the  Have 
trade,  till  the  riling  generation  could  be  brought  into 
employ. 

The  age  at  which  the  young  Crdoles  are  ufually  put 
into  the  field,  is  that  of  fifteen.  This,  therefore,  is  the 
fpace  of  time  in  which  I am  to  inquire  whether  there 
would  be  any  diminution  of  the  articles  of  revenue  before 
fpecified. 

The  firft  queftion  that  feems  naturally  to  occur  on  the 
occafion  is  this, — Whether  the  number  of  labourers  would 
be  lefs  in  this  than  in  any  former  period  of  an  equal 
length. 

It  is  very  certain  that  there  would  be  in  the  iflands,  at 
the  moment  of  the  abolition,  Creoles  of  every  age  from 
one  to  fifteen,  ready  to  fill  up  in  fucceflion  the  places  of 
many  of  thofe  who  would  unavoidably  be  taken  oft  within 
this  period.  It  will  be  faid,  however,  that  thefe  would 
not  be  numerous  enough  of  them  lei  ves  to  lupply  the  whole 
deficiency  by  death.  But  I reply,  that  in  confequenceof 
the  regulations,  both  in  point  of  labour,  food,  and  treat- 
ment, that  would  neceifarily  follow  the  abolition  of  the 
Have  trade,  the  bills  of  mortality  would  be  lefs  crowded, 
and  that  the  lives  of  all  thofe  Haves,  at  that  time  upon  the 
iflands  would  be  confiderably  prolonged.  By  means, 
therefore,  of  this  protraction  of  human  life  on  the  one 
hand,  which  would  render  perhaps  only  half  the  former 
number  of  recruits  r.eceflary  in  a given  time,  and  by 
means  of  this  regular  fuccellion  of  Creoles  on  the  other, 
more  of  whom  would  live  to  come  to  maturity  than  in 
any  former  period  of  the  fame  length,  there  could  be  but 
little  diminution  of  thefe  articles  from  the  dimution  of 
effeiStive  labourers  in  the  colonies. 

But  let  us  fuppofe,  for  a moment,  that  the  number  of 
labourers  would  be  lefs  ; ftill  no  diminution  of  thefe  arti- 
cles is  necefiary  : for  a lefs  number,  under  tender  regula- 
tions 


African  Slave  Trade. 


107 

tions,  would  do  as  much  work  as  a greater,  without  them, 
in  the  fame  time.  It  is  not  on  the  number,  but  on  the 
condition,  the  ability,  the  willingnefs  of  the  labourer, 
that  the  quantity  of  work  depends.  On  eftates,  where 
the  lafh  has  been  inceflantly  applied,  the  Haves  have  uni- 
verfally  done  much  lefs  in  proportion,  than  upon  thofe 
where  they  have  met  with  indulgences,  and  been  treat- 
ed like  human  beings.  Such  would  be  the  cafe  during 
this  period,  and  if  the  number  of  Haves  were  to  become 
lefs,  by  one-third,  than  before,  it  is  not  neceflary  that 
any  diminution  fhould  take  place,  either  in  the  quantity 
of  fugar  and  rum,  or  in  the  revenue  that  may  be  expect- 
ed by  the  ftate. 

Again.  Let  us  fuppefe  them  to  be  reduced  even  to 
one-half  of  their  former  number,  till  therifing  generation 
were  put  into  employ. — Let  the  planters  introduce  ma- 
chines of  hufbandry,  and  one-half,  or  one-tenth,  or  even 
one-thirtieth,  would  do  as  much  work  in  the  fame  time 
as  all  of  them  together  were  able  to  do  before,  under 
their  then  fyftem  of  labour. 

As  a proof  of  this,  (for  it  is  not  a bare  conje&ure,)  I 
Ihall  feledl  the  two  following  paflages  from  * Mr.  Long. 

“ It  was  found,  fays  he,  that  one  plough,  ufed  on  an 
“ eftate  in  the  parilh  of  Clarendon,  turned  up  as  much 
“ ground  in  one  day,  and  in  a much  better  manner  than 
“ one  hundred  negroes  could  perform  with  their  hoes  in 
“ the  fame  time.” 

“ When  the  plant  is  made  in  the  furrow,  following  the 
“ plough,  I think  it  demonUrable,  that  more  ground  can 
“ be  turned  up  and  planted  in  this  way  in  one  day,  than 
“ can  be  holed  and  planted  in  the  ufual  way  in  three , and 
“ with  a tenth  lefs  number  of  able  negroes.” 

Such  is  the  language  of  Mr.  Long,  and  it  muft  be 
evident,  I think,  to  every  impartial  perfon,  both  from 
thefe  and  the  preceding  obfervations,  that  the  revenue 
could  not  f poflibly  fuffer  by  any  diminution  of  the  ufual 

quantity 

* Long’s  Hiftory  of  Jamaica.  Vol.  I.  Page  449,  450. 

Suppofc  that  their  lives  would  not  be  protrafted,  that  lefs  work 
would  be  done  in  the  fame  time,  that  machines  of  labour  would  be  ra- 
ther a hindrance  than  a gain,  ftill  the  deficiency  might  be  made  up  by  fo- 
reign fugar,  (till  the  riling  generation  were  grown  up)  and  the  revenue  be 

P iyiprovei. 


108  On  the  Impolicy  of  the 

quantity  of  rum  and  fugar , till  the  rifing  generation  were 
capable  of  being  put  into  employ.  It  has  appeared  be- 
fore, that  it  could  not  fuffer  by  any  diminution  of  the  ex- 
ports to  Africa,  or  imports  from  thence  into  this  kingdom: 
and  if  it  could  fuftain  no  injury  in  eitheir  of  the  three 
ways  now  mentioned,  I do  not  fee  how  it  is  poflible  that 
it  could  fuffer  at  all. 

Thus,  in  whatever  point  of  view  we  confider  the  fub- 
jecft,  there  could  neceff'arily  be  no  diminution  of  the  re- 
venue. But  on  the  other  hand,  when  we  come  to  confi- 
der the  great  prolongation  of  life,  which  muff  refult  from 
thofe  regulations  that  the  abolition  of  the  flave  trade  muff: 
introduce,  the  better  condition  of  the  flaves  from  the 
fame  caufe,  their  great  zeal  and  alacrity,  the  truth  of  the 
maxim,  that  thofe  who  are  beft  treated  univerfally  work 
the  beft,  and  the  extaordinary  advantages  of  the  intro- 
duction of  machines  of  hufbandry,  by  which  one-thirtieth 
only  of  the  former  ftrength  would  be  required,  it  is  high- 
ly probable  that  the  revenue  would  be  increased , and  it  is 
certain  that  it  could  be  made,  under  proper  regulations,  to 
receive  a greater  augmentation  in  this,  than  in  any  former 
period  of  an  equal  length. 

Having  now  inquired  what  would  be  the  fituation  of 
the  revenue,  till  the  rifing  generation  were  put  into  em- 
ploy, I fhall  inquire  what  its  fituation  would  probably  be 
after  this  period  : for  the  more  remote,  as  well  as  the  lefs 
diftant  confequences  of  the  abolition  of  the  flave  trade, 
fhould  be  had  in  view. 

It  is  probable,  that  fome  of  the  flaves,  who  were  in 
bondage  at  the  time  of  the  abolition,  would  be  then  alive; 
but  as  many  of  thefe  would  be  part  their  labour,  and  the 
reft  would  be  going  oiF,  I fhall  content  myfelf  with  hav- 
ing only  mentioned  them.  The  effective  or  rifing  ftrength 
then  on  the  iflands,  would  confift  of  Creoles.  I hefe 
would  be  found  in  a regular  fucceflion,  from  the  age  of 
thirty  to  one.  They  would  have  been  born  too  in  the 
order  of  nature,  that  is,  the  fexes  would  have  been  pro- 
perly proportioned  by  the  means  of  birth,  which  is  not 
the  cafe  in  the  colonies  at  the  prefent  day. 

improved.  For  this,  from  its  cheapnefs,  would  bear  a heavier  duty,  and 
yet  come  into  our  hands  at  a more  reafonable  rate  than  that  Jrom  the 

Britifli  colonies.  IT  . 

llavinsr 


African  Slave  Trade.  109 

Having  this  advantage  then ; having,  moreover,  the 
advantages  of  a prolific  nature,  of  living  in  a climate  to 
which  they  have  been  habituated  from  their  infancy,  and 
of  being  treated  in  a humane  and  tender  manner,  far  be- 
yond any  of  their  predeceflors,  they  would  from  this  pe- 
riod very  rapidly  increafe,  and  a much  greater  number  of 
flaves  would  be  then  found  in  the  ifiands,  than  at  anv  for- 
mer time.  This  would  evidently  be  the  cafe.  It  is  no 
fpeculative  conje&ure.  It  is  founded  on  the  invariable 
rule  of  nature,  on  the  immutable  decrees  of  the  De- 
ity, that  every  fociety  of  people,  among  whom  the  fexes 
are  properly  proportioned,  and  common  advantages  are 
enjoyed,  mujl  increafe. 

Let  us  now  confider  the  effects  of  this  increafe.  The 
planter,  having  more  hands  than  before,  will  feek  for 
employment  for  his  fupcrnumeraries.  He  will  feek  for 
it,  becaufe  he  will  not  fupport  them  in  idlenefs,  and  be- 
caufe  his  own  intereft  will  be  fo  materially  concerned. 
Two  profpe£ts  will  then  prefent  themfelves,  namely,  the 
improvement  of  the  old  land,  and  the  clearing  and  cultivation 
of  the  new 

There  are  few  eftates  in  the  colonies,  or  indeed  in  any 
other  part  of  the  world,  in  which  many  more  hands  could 
not  be  employed  to  advantage,  than  are  amployed  in  them 
at  prefent ; or  which  have  arrived  at  that  degree  of  culti- 
vation, to  which  they  are  capable  of  being  brought.  It 
is  evident,  therefore,  in  the  firft  cafe,  that  the  fame  fpot 
that  produced  a certain  number  of  hoglheads  of  fugar 
annually,  would  be  made  to  produce  ?nore , and  that  the 
revenue  would  derive  a proportionate  benefit  from  the 
change.  This  would  be  the  firft  natural  confequence  of 
the  increafe. 

In  the  fecond  cafe  the  advantages  would  be  fimilar  and 
great.  The  planter  would  direct  a part  of  his  agricultu- 
ral ftrength  to  the  clearing  of  new  land,  and  the  augmen- 
tation of  his  eftate.  In  this  refpedl  he  has  been  hitherto 
confined  : for  the  expence  of  purchafing  new  Haves  has 
been  fo  heavy,  and  fo  many  of  them  have  conftantly  died 
in  the  arduous  employment,  arduous  not  only  in  itfelf,  but 
particularly  to  thofe  who  have  beenunufed  to  labour, thathis 
attempts  have  very  rarely  been  made  but  with  lofs,  and  have 

often 


no 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


often  ruined  him.  The  cafe,  however,  at  the  period  now 
in  view,  would  be  reverfed.  His  * Creoles , feafoned  to 
the  climate,  and  inured  from  their  infancy  to  work,  would 
perform  it  without  its  former  weight,  and  would  be  able 
to  realize  his  views  without  any  of  the  difad vantageus 
defcribed. 

Enabled  then  to  put  his  plans  into  execution  without 
any  detriment  to  himfelf,  let  us  confider  the  fecond  con- 
fequence  of  the  increafe. 

Every  new  piece  of  land,  which  he  would  clear  and  put 
into  cultivation,  would  produce  an  additional  quantity  of 
fugar  and  rum.  This  additional  quantity  would  pay  its 
proportionate  duty  to  the  ftate  ; and  how  far  the  revenue 
is  capable  of  increafe,  by  thefe  means,  may  be  conceived, 
in  fome  meafure,  from  the  following  account. 

Acres  of  Land. 

In  Jamaica  alone  are  contained  about  3,500,000 


There  are  already  cleared,  opened,  and 
applied  to  cultivation  or  pafture 
The  Savannahs  include 
The  rocky,  unplantable  parts,  roads,  river- 
courfes,  and  gullies 


600.000 

250.000 
300,00 


1,150,000 

It  appears  from  hence,  that  there  remain  in  Jamaica 
alone,  capable  of  cultivation,  about  2,130,000  acres  of 
land.  Here  then  would  be  an  ample  field  for  fpeculati- 
on,  for  the  employment  of  fupernumerary  flaves,  and  for 
an  addition  to  the  revenue. 

In  fhort,  if  we  confider  the  firft  confequence  of  the 
increafe , as  vifible  in  the  improvement  of  the  old  land,  and 
the  fecond,  as  vifible  in  the  clearing  and  cultivation  of  the 
new , and  combine  them,  it  will  appear,  that  a prodigi- 
ous extenfion  of  revenue  would  unavoidably  arife  to  this 
kingdom;  and  that  the  abolition  of  the  Have  trade  would 

* Native  Africans,  (fays  Mr.  Long)  unfeafoned  to  the  climate,  and 
lefs  able  than  the  Creoles  to  bear  the  toil  of  cutting  down  thick  woods , and 
cleaning  frefn  land. — Long’s  Hiftory  of  Jamaica.  Vol.  I.  Page  526. 

be 


Arican  Slave  Trade. 


iii 


be  the  means,  in  the  courfe  of  time,  of  confiderably  aug- 
menting its  prefent  opulence  and  power. 

Such  would  be  the  fituation  of  things  in  the  colonies 
were  the  trade  abolifhed.  Let  us  now,  for  a moment, 
turn  our  eyes  to  Africa , and  let  us  look  at  the  profpeft  there. 

In  the  interval  of  time,  from  the  rearing  of  the  rifing 
generation  to  the  putting  of  them  into  employ,  we  fhould 
have  been  bufy  in  eftablifhing  an  honorable  and  civilizing 
commerce  among  the  natives  there.  We  fhould  have 
been  fuccefsful  in  our  attempts,  becaufe  we  fhould  have 
given  them  encourgement,  (of  which  they  are  not  infen- 
fible)  and  have  embarked  in  it  with  emulation  and  zeal. 
We  fhould  have  imported  many  of  their  variegated  and 
valuable  woods,  their  cotton,  their  rice,  their  indigo,  their 
fpices,  and,  perhaps,  articles  neither  known  at  the  prefent 
day,  nor  to  be  credited  were  they  known  and  mentioned  : 
Many  of  the  produftins  of  Africa  would  bear  a duty  in 
a little  time,  and  if  fuch  a duty  were  affixed  to  them  on 
importation,  they  would  neverthelefs  come  cheaper  into 
our  hands,  than  thofe  of  the  fame  kind,  if  duty  free  from 
another  quarter.  This  improvement,  therefore,  which 
the  revenue  would  derive  in  time  from  the  new  trade  is, 
to  be  added  to  the  account. 

To  fum  up  the  whole.  It  is  evident,  that  the  revenue 
could  not  poffibly  be  diminifhed,  in  confequence  of  the 
abolition  of  the  Have  trade,  till  the  rifing  generation  were 
put  into  employ.  It  is  probable  that  it  would  be  in- 
creafed ; and  it  is  certain  that  it  could  be  made,  under 
proper  regulations,  to  receive  a greater  augmentation  in 
this,  than  in  any  former  period  of  an  equal  length.  But 
when  the  end  of  this  period  fhould  have  arrived,  fuch  an 
additional  quantity  of  fugar  and  rum  would  be  anually 
imported  from  the  iflands,  and  fuch  an  additional  number 
of  articles  from  the  coaft,  that  the  revenue  would  arrive 
at  a degree  of  extenfion,  unknown  in  any  former  period, 
and  not  to  be  known  till  the  riches  of  Africa  are  explored, 
or  a fyftem  of  humanity  and  population  be  adopted  in  our 
colonies. 

Thefe  riches  can  never  be  difcovered,  this  fyftem  never 
introduced,  but  by  the  abolition  of  the  trade  in  flaves. 

SECTION  II. 


112 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


SECTION  II. 

I have  now  examined  one  of  the  fatal  confequences  that 
would,  in  the  opinion  of  the  patrons  of  the  trade,  unavoid- 
ably arifeto  this  kingdom  from  its  abolation.  A fecond  is, 
that  if  fuch  an  event  were  to  take  place,  it  would  annihi- 
late a confidcrable  branch  of  our  tnanufallures. 

It  is  aftonifhing  to  hear  the  exaggerated  accounts  that 
have  been  uniformly  given  of  the  exports  of  this  country 
to  the  coaft  of  Africa  for  flaves.  One  could  fcarcely 
conceive  that  people,  who  wifhed  to  fupport  their  caufe, 
could  have  ventured  to  make  aflertions,  that  but  a little 
knowledge  of  the  African  trade,  muft  immediately  refute, 
but  that  their  audacity  is  to  be  equalled  only  by  their 
and  that  a bad  caufe  univerfally  wants 

It  has  been  aflerted  by  a perfon,  who  affedts  aconfider- 
able  knowledge  of  this  trade,  that  goods,  to  the  amount  of 
two  millions  and  an  half  are  annually  (hipped  to  Africa  ; 
and  it  is  afTerted  with  no  lefs  confidence  by  the  fame,  that 
the  cargo  of  every  fnip  is  worth,  on  an  average,  twelve 
thoufand pounds.  Thefe  and  other  abfurdities,  have  been 
daily  obtruded  into  our  ears,  The  public  prints  have 
had  their  fhare  in  proclaiming  them  ; and  the  importance 
of  the  African  trade  has  been  founded  from  all  quarters. 

It  is  very  fortunate,  however,  that  but  a few  points 
well  known,  will  be  able  to  check  thefe  exaggerated 
accounts.  The  average  value  of  a (lave  upon  the  coaft, 
the  number  that  are  annually  purchafed,  and  the  average- 
number  carried  in  one  fhip,  are  fufficient  documents  for 
the  refutation  of  the  whole. 

On  a fuppofition  then  that  goods  to  the  amount  of  two 
millions  and  an  half  are  annually  (hipped  to  the  coaft,  and 
that  one  Have  with  another,  including  men,  women,  and 
boys,  can  be  purchafed  by  manufactures  of  the  value  of 
twenty  pounds  (which  is  too  high  an  allowance)  even  on 
fuch  a fuppofition,  the  Engliih  muft  annually  purchafecw 
hundred  and  twenty-five  thorfand  flaves  ; that  is,  they  muft 
purchafe  tu^o-thirds  more  than  they  really  do,  or  more 


ignorance, 

fupport. 


African  Slave  Trade. 


Ir3 


than  all  the  Europeans  together,  including  themfelves, 
from  the  river  Senegal  to  the  utinoft  limits  of  Angola. 

A'J-ain,  on  a fuppofition  that  every  cargo  is  worth 
twelve  thoufand  pounds,  it  will  appear  from  his  own  data, 
that  two  hundred  and  eight  vcftels  muft  be  annually  em- 
ployed in  this  trade,  and  that  each  of  thefe  muft  tranfport 
fix  hundred  flaves.  In  other  words,  the  Englifb  muft 
carry  more  by  two  hundred  and  forty  in  each  ftiip  than 
were  ever  known  to  be  the  average  number  carried  bya- 
ny  number  of  (hips  in  any  year. 

Such  are  the  admirable  arguments,  and  fuch  is  the 
knowledge  of  the  fupporcers  of  this  trade.  If  they  believe 
what  they  write,  they  muft  be  ignorant  indeed.  If  they 
are  better  informed,  they  muft  write  againft  their  own 
conviction,  and  muft  be  confidered  as  importers,  taking 
an  advantage  of  the  ignorance  of  the  world,  to  ferve  an 
execrable  caufe. 

The  real  value  of  the  goods  exported  to  Africa  in  the 
vear  1786,  was  about  eight  hundred  thoufand  pounds.  I 
fpeak  from  good  authority;  I believe,  as  good  as  can  be 
obtained.  The  account  too  is  confiflent  with  itfelf.  It 
may  be  checked  either  by  the  number  of  Haves  purchafed 
in  that  year,  or  by  their  value  upon  the  coaft.  It  will 
ftand  either  of  thefe  ordeals  : which  is  not  the  cafe  with 
any  of  the  monftrous  accounts  delivered  by  the  advocates 
for  the  trade. 

This  being  the  whole  amount  of  the  exports,  and  more 
than  one  third  of  them  being  of  Venetian  and  Eaft-Indian 
manufacture  conjointly,  the  real  value  of  the  Britifh  ma- 
nufactures (hipped  to  the  coaft  in  that  year  may  be  called 
five  hundred  thoufand  pounds.  This  is  the  prodigious 
branch  that  would  be  annihilated  by  the  abolition  of  the 
(lave  trade,  being  only  one-fifth  of  the  fum  its  advocates 
have  reported,  and  fcattered  in  too  many  places  to  be 
felt,  and  too  infignificant  to  flop  the  abolition  for  a mo- 
ment, even  were  it  wholly  loft. 

But  I deny  that  the  whole  of  it  would  be  loft  were  the 
(lave  trade  immediately  abolished.  The  (lave  veflels  bring 
home  many  of  the  productions  of  Africa  annually,  fuch 
as  ivory,  palm-oil,  long  and  malaguetta-pepper,  part  of 
which  is  paid  for  out  of  the  amount  of  the  Britifh  manu- 
factures 


ii4  On  the  Impolicy  of  the 

failures  juft  mentioned.  Whatever  portion,  therefore, 
of  the  exported  goods  was  before  expended  in  the  purchafe 
of  thefe,  by  means  of  the  flave  veffels  now  mentioned, 
would  ft  ill  be  expended  by  means  of  new  wood-veflels, 
fitted  out  for  their  reception. 

I aflert  farther,  that  if,  on  the  abolition  of  the  flave 
trade,  we  were  to  embark  with  ardour  in  the  new  inter- 
courfe  that  has  been  pointed  out,  and  government  would 
aftift  the  plan,  by  encouraging  the  infant-fettlement  at 
Sierra  Leon,  by  recalling  the  prefent  African  Gover- 
nors, by  appointing  others  on  the  coaft  whofe  princi- 
ples and  opinions  would  be  favourable  to  the  defign, 
by  directing  the  cultivation  of  every  little  fpot  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  forts,  (which  would  (hew  an  example  to 
the  natives)  and  by  other  means,  the  annual  exports  from 
this  country  to  Africa  would  foon  reach  their  prefent 
height,  and  a foundation  be  laid  for  fuch  an  extenfive 
commerce,  as  would  take  them  oft',  at  a future  period,  in 
a quantity  hitherto  unknown. 

That  the  Africans  would  foon  engage  in  fuch  a line  of 
connexion,  is  evident  for  many  reai'ons.  Firft,  becaufe 
they  have  acquired  fuch  a tafte  for  our  manufactures,  that 
they  could  not  eafily  relinquifti  them  ; and  it  i$  clear  that 
they  could  not  obtain  them,  at  leaft  for  a length  of  time, 
to  the  extent  of  their  prefent  demands,  by  other  means. 

Secondly,  becaufe  they  have  readily  embarked  in  any 
new  commercial  plan  that  has  been  pointed  out,  and  we 
have  a ri £rht  to  ar°ue  from  what  has  once  been  to  what 
may  again  be. 

Thirdly,  becaufe  the  merchant  in  this  line,  requiring 
lefs  credit  than  the  flave  merchant,  buying  his  goods  five 
per  cent,  cheaper,  employing  lefs  hands  in  one  veffel,  and 
knowing  that  his  veffel  would  laft*  twice  the  time  of  the 
other,  could  afford  the  exported  articles  at  a cheaper  rate  : 
and  the  Africans,  like  other  people,  are  too  fenfible  of 
their  own  intereft,  not  to  choofc  that  fyftem  of  commerce 
which  would  be  moft  advantageous,  were  it  pointed  out. 
This  kind  of  intercourfe  then  being  once  eftablifhed, 

* It  is  a iloni filing  what  an  eflred  the  heat  and  ftencli,  arising  from  the 
flaves  confined  between  the  decks,  have  upon  the  timbers  of  the  veffels. 
This  effect  is  fo  great,  that  a flave  veil'd  is  cojnfidcred  at  Liverpool  as  lad- 
ing only  half  the  time  oi  another. 

let 


African  Slave  Trade. 


Ir5 

let  us  mark  the  confequences.  The  Have  trade  takes 
annually  from  Africa  a prodigious  number  of  its  inhabi- 
tants. By  the  abolition  of  it,  a lefs  number  would  be  ta- 
ken away,  or,  which  is  the  fame  thing,  a greater  num- 
ber would  be  added,  fo  that  from  this  circumftance  alone, 
there  would  be  an  additional  consumption  of  our  manufac- 
tures, within  the  fame  fpace. 

The  Have  trade  too,  has  been  hitherto  an  infuperable 
impediment  to  the  civilization  of  the  Africans  : but  the 
new  commerce  would  have  a contrary  effeCt.  It  would 
gradually  change  their  laws,  which  are  now  moftly  adapt- 
ed to  the  former.  It  would  gradually  alter  their  opini- 
ons and  habits.  It  would  foften  and  polifh  their  man- 
ners, and  would  bring  them  to  a Hate  of  refinement, 
though  not  immediately  great  in  itfelf,  yet  great  in  com- 
parifon  of  their  former  ftate.  This  civilization  would 
be  productive  of  the  mod  beneficial  effeCts  to  ourfelves  : 
for  in  proportion  as  we  civilize  a people,  we  increase  their 
wants-,  and  we  fhculd  create  therefore,  from  this  cir- 
cumftance alone,  another  fource  of  additional  confumption 
of  our  manufactures,  even  within  the  fame  fpace. 

This  being  the  cafe,  ineftimable  would  be  the  advan- 
tages which  the  kingdom  would  experience  from  the  abo- 
lition of  the  trade  in  Haves.  But  if  to  thefe  confiderati- 
ons  we  add,  that  the  new  intercourfe  being  efta’olifhed 
on  a principle  of  greater  gain,  would  extend  itfelf  every 
year,  would  make  its  way  into  the  interior  country,  and 
that  in  the  very  exercife  of  it,  nation  after  nation  would 
be  civilized,  it  is  evident,  that  there  would  be  a perpetu- 
ally growing  demand  for  our  manufactures,  and  that  the 
confumption  of  them  in  Africa  would  arrive  at  a degree 
of  extenfion,  which  none  but  the  moft  comprehenfive 
minds  can  be  capable  of  conceiving. 

Such,  in  time,  would  be  the  fituation  of  the  demand 
for  our  manufactures  on  the  coajl  of  Africa,  were  the  Have 
trade  abolilhed:  nor  would  that  in  the  colonies  be  lefs 
pleafmg.  The  great  increafe  of  cultivators,  that  would 
unavoidably  arife  there  in  confequence  of  the  abolition, 
would  of  courfe  occafion  a great  increafe  of  demand  for 
our  manufactures.  Their  condition  too  being  improved, 
and  their  wants  multiplied,  they  would  demand  them  in 

greater 

Q- 


1 1 6 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


greater  abundance,  and  I need  hardly  add,  that  they 
would  demand  them  of  a better  fort. 

Nor  would  neceffary  or  ornamental  apparel,  or  dome- 
ftic  utenfils,  or  articles  of  fancy,  be  the  only  Britifh  com- 
modities for  which  the  demand  would  increafe  there. — 
When  the  wafte  lands  were  put  into  cultivation,  new 
fcenes  would  be  opened,  and  new  wants  created.  The 
new  labourers  muft  have  their  bills,  their  axes,  and  their 
hoes.  There  muft  be  new  materials  for  building,  new 
ftills  and  mill-cafes,  new  locks  and  ftaples,  new  iron 
work  for  machines,  and  many  other  articles  too  numer- 
ous to  be  particularly  deferibed.  All  thefe  muft  be  pur- 
chafed,  kept  in  repair,  and  renewed : and  they  would 
afford  to  the  Britifh  manufactures  an  additional  and  per- 
manent employ. 

In  fhort,  there  are  few  fubjeCts  more  pleafing  in  the 
contemplation  than  this.  And  fo  far  would  the  abolition 
of  the  Have  trade  be  from  annihilating  a confiderable  branch 
of  our  manufactures,  that  it  would  open  many  additional 
Jources , both  in  Africa  and  the  colonies , for  their  confump- 
tion,  and  would  procure  a vent,  in  the  courfe  of  time, 
for  fuch  a quantity,  as,  if  compared  with  the  prefent 
branch  of  them  exported  there  would  render  it  infigni- 
ficant  and  mean. 

SECTION  III. 


The  patrons  of  the  Have  trade  have  confidered  the  an  - 
nihilation of  a branch  of  our  revenue,  and  the  annihilation 
of  a branch  of  our  manufactures,  as  two  of  the  fatal  con- 
fequences  that  would  arife  to  this  kingdom  from  its  abo- 
lition. There  is  yet  a third.  It  is  faid,  that  if  fuch  an 
event  were  to  take  place,  the  different  towns  concerned 
in  this  trade  would,  from  the  variety  of  diftrefs  that  would 
be  occafioned  in  them,  receive  a confiderable  (hock. 

To  invefligate  this  point,  I fhall  divide  the  cities, 
towns,  and  villages,  that  have  any  connection  with  this 
trade,  into  two  kinds,  namely,  manufacturing  and  com- 
mercial-, and  I fhall  fuppofe  for  a moment  the  abolition 
of  the  trade  to  have  taken  place. 


With 


African  Slave  Trade. 


117 


With  refpeCt  to  the  mamtfafluring  towns,  there  are 
none,  where  the  inhabitants  work  folely  for  the  African 
trade.  The  moft  confpicuous  is  Manchefter,  which 
fuppiies  it  annually  with  goods,  almoft  to  as  great  an 
amount  as  all  the  reft  of  them  put  together.  T he  next 
is  Birmingham.  I11  each  of  thefe  are  diftinCt  houfes  for 
this  trade,  and  which  have  no  connection  with  any  other. 

That  the  town  of  Manchefter  would  receive  a fhock 
by  the  abolition  of  the  Have  trade,  though  the  value  of 
the  goods,  annually  furnilhed  for  it,  is  great,  is  too 
abfurd  not  to  be  ridiculed  by  thofe,  who  are  acquainted 
with  the  nature,  fituation,  or  extent  of  the  manufactures 
of  that  important  place. 

It  is  certain,  that  if  fome  particular  arts  in  this  king- 
dom were  to  be  fupprefled,  thofe  who  have  been  brought 
up  to  them  would  be  deftitute  for  a time.  They  could 
not  become  artifts  direCtly  in  another  line,  and,  till  they 
could  turn  their  hands  to  fome  other  kind  of  employ,  they 
would  fuller.  But  this  is  not  the  cafe  with  the  labouring 
manufacturer  of  Manchefter  for  the  African  trade.  The 
fame  perfon  who  works  for  this  could  immediately  turn 
his  hand  to  the  different  branches  of  manufacture  now 
there.  At  this  moment  there  are  many  infant  arts  to 
receive  them,  and  more  than  fufficient  fcope  to  employ 
that  capital,  which  is  now  in  the  African,  in  other  fo- 
reign markets.  Nor  need  there  be,  nor  is  it  likely  that 
there  would,  a fingle  labouring  manufacturer,  who  would 
fuller  by  the  abolition  of  the  Have  trade,  fo  long  as  he 
was  willing  to  work. 

With  refpeCt  to  Birmingham,  the  goods  which  are 
made  there  for  the  African  trade,  are  unworthy  of  com- 
parifon  in  point  of  value  with  thofe  which  are  made  at 
Manchefter  for  the  fame.  They  confift  principally  of 
guns.  But  the  whole  branch  of  it  is  fo  infignificant  in 
itfelf,  and  bears  fo  mean  a proportion  to  the  general  ma- 
nufactory,of  the  place,  that  the  change  of  fafnion  only  in 
a button,  has  occaftoned,  and  will  ftill  occafion,  greater 
diftrefs  to  the  labouring  manufacturers  there,  than  the 
abolition  of  the  whole  trade  in  Haves. 

If  the  reader  wilhed  to  have  thefe  aflertions  confirmed, 

I might  ftate  to  him,  that  when  the  Have  trade  began 

t« 


u8  On  the  Impolicy  of  the 

to  excite  the  attention  of  the  public,  a meeting  of  the 
inhabitants  was  called  by  advertifement  both  atManchef- 
ter  and  at  Birmingham  on  this  fubjeCt.  That  t’nefe  meet- 
ings were  numeroufly  attended.  That  they  confifted  of 
the  mod  refpecfable  perfons,  in  point  of  property  and 
character,  in  the  two  towns.  That  there  was  not  a 
diffentient  voice  in  eithep  of  them  on  the  occafion  : but 
that  committees  v/ere  formed,  and  ftill  continue  much  to 
their  honour  to  exift,  to  effeCt  the  abolition  of  the  trade. 

In  the  reft  of  the  manufafturing  towns  the  different 
branches  for  the  African  market  are  very  finall,  and  bear 
no  kind  of  proportion  to  the  different  manufactories  of  the 
place.  The  fame  houfe  too,  which  fupplies  the  African, 
is  connected  with  other  trades;  fo  that  if  the  Have  trade 
were  immediately  abolifhed,  no  inconvenience,  could  be 
felt  in  thefe,  except  in  the  lofs  of  fale  of  fuch  chains  or 
inftruments  of  torture,  as  are  ready  made  : and  it  is  only 
to  be  lamented,  that  the  fabricators  of  thefe  would  fuffer 
fo  little,  as  they  would  do,  by  the  change. 

It  appears  then  from  hence,  that  the  manufacturing 
towns  of  this  kingdom  that  are  concerned  in  the  African 
trade,  would  not  receive  that  confiderable  fhock,  which 
it  is  pretended  would  be  occafioned  by  its  abolition.  On 
the  other  hand  we  are  to  conitder,  that  veflels  would  ftill 
go  to  the  coaft,  and  would  go  for  fuch  of  its  productions 
as  the  flave  veflels  formerly  took  away;  and  if  to  this 
confideration  we  add,  that  a new  trade,  fuch  as  I have 
deferibed  in  the  firft  part  of  my  work,  might  be  eftablifhed 
there,  fuch  an  additional  number  of  manufacturers  would 
be  foon  employed,  and  fuch  an  extra  accumulation  of 
wealth  arife  to  the  different  towns,  as  would  give  them  a 
much  greater  (hare  of  importance,  even  than  they  poffefs 
at  the  prefent  day.  By  the  people  of  Manchefter,  how- 
ever, the  advantages  would  be  particularly  felt.  Not  to 
mention  a larger  exportation  of  manufactures  than  before 
to  the  fame  coaft,  the  fingle  circumftance  of  obtaining 
their  cotton  from  Africa  would  be  ineftimably  great. 
This  cotton,  if  we  except  the  Perfian  to  which  it  is  equal 
in  rank,  is  the  fined:  of  any  on  the  globe.  It  is  this  un- 
common finenefs  that  would  render  it  fo  peculiarly  valua- 
ble : and  of  fuch  importance  would  it  be  in  the  eye  of  the 

Manchefter 


African  Slave  Trade. 


119 


Manchefter  manufacturer  to  obtain  it,  that  there  is  no 
event  which  he  could  with  for,  in  point  of  intereft, 
more  than  the  abolition  of  the  trade  in  Haves. 

Having  taken  into  confideration  the  manufafluring , I 
come  now  to  the  co?nmercial  towns  that  are  concerned  in 
this  trade.  Thefe  are  only  three,  namely,  London,  Brif- 
tol,  and  Liverpool. 

The  great  cities  of  London  and  Brillol  do  not  poflefs 
together  in  this  employ  fo  many  as  forty  veffels,  To 
fuppofe,  therefore,  that  any  kind  of  diftrefs  could  be  felt 
by  the  total  feceffion  of  thefe,  or  any  kind  of  ftagnation 
take  place,  would  be  to  expofe  myfelf  to  derifton  : for  I 
might  as  well  fuppofe,  that  if  forty  drops  of  water  were 
to  be  taken  from  a bucket,  they  would  be  miffed. 

That  the  town  of  Liverpool  would  be  greatly  affeded 
by  the  blow,  though  it  employs  fo  many  veffels,  and  has 
a greater  (hare  in  the  trade  than  London  and  Briftol  to- 
gether, is  a pofition,  the  ablurdity  of  which  my  be  foon 
(hewn. 

It  has  long  been  a miftake,  that  the  town  of  Liverpool, 
which  was  formerly  but  a billing  village,  is  indebted  for 
its  prefent  grandeur  and  opulence  to  the  Have  trade.  No 
opinion  wasever  more  erroneous  than  this.  I fhall  there- 
fore mention  fome  of  the  principal  caufes  that  have  con- 
tributed to  bring  it  into  its  prefent  bate. 

The  firft  has  been  the  free  admijfion  of  Jlrangers , in 
confequence  of  a politic  exemption  from  many  of  thofe 
dues,  to  which,  as  Grangers,  they  would  have  beenliable 
in  another  place. 

This  has  encouraged  many  to  fettle  there.  T o fupply 
thefe  again,  in  all  their  refpedive  wants,  others  have  ad- 
ditionally come.  Thus  a conftant  addition  of  new  fami- 
lies has  been  made  to  the  original  or  the  old. 

Nor  have  lefs  advantages  been  experienced  in  another 
point  of  view,  by  the  fame  means.  Each  of  the  new 
fettiers  has  brought  witn  him  his  different  purfuits  and 
fchemes;  has  had  his  emulation  has  fupported  an  home 
or  a foreign  trade,  according  as  his  connedions  lay, 

To  this  free  admiffion  then  of  ftrangers,  which  has 
induced  many  to  fettle,  unfettered,  with  their  different 
purfuits,  is  to  be  attributed,  on  one  hand,  an  increafe  of 

the 


120  On  the  Impolicy  of  the 

the  population,  and,  on  the  other,  of  the  mercantile  inter- 
courfe  of  the  place. 

A fecond  caufe  of  the  rife  and  grandeur  of  Liverpool 
has  been  the  Jolt  trade. 

Salt,  which  may  be  confidered  as  its  ftaple  commodity, 
and  which  is  collected  from  the  neighbouring  mines,  is 
brought  there  in  fuch  quantities  as  almoft  exceed  belief. 
Many  vefiels  are  employed  in  the  exportation  of  this 
article.  This  has  not  failed  to  increafe  the  navigation  of 
the  place. 

But  the  increafe  of  the  navigation  and  opulence  of 
Liverpool  is  to  be  attributed  to  it  in  another  way,  which 
will  be  belt  feen  by  the  following  account. 

Some  merchants  of  the  north,  hearing  a few  years  back 
that  this  article  could  bepurchafed  cheaper  at  Liverpool 
than  at  any  other  place,  fent  two  or  three  of  their  vefiels 
for  a fupply.  The  captains  of  thefe,  on  their  return 
home,  reported,  that  all  thofe  nations  of  the  north,  who 
had  no  fait  works  of  their  own,  could  not  only  lay  in  the 
article  in  abundance  and  cheaper  there,  but  could  alfo  lay 
in  their  aftorfments  of  tobacco,  Jugar , and  othey  American 
produce , as  well  as  at  the  London  or  other  markets  ; and 
till  this  time  they  had,  from  their  ignorance  of  the  power 
of  Liverpool  to  fupply  them  in  this  refpedt,  been  confined 
to  thefe. 

Confidering,  therefore,  that  it  was  much  more  to  their 
advantage  to  go  to  Liverpool  for  one  of  the  articles  de- 
lcribed,  and  that  they  fared  as  well  in  the  reft,  it  was  their 
intereft  upon  the  whole  to  declare  in  favour  of  the  place. 
Thefe  and  other  vefiels  come  afterwards  pouring  in  for 
their  fait,  and  laid  in  their  foreign  afiortments  at  the  fame 
time.  This  immediately  gave  rife  or  rather  an  addition 
to  two  foreign  trades , namely,  the  Weft- Indian  and  Ame- 
rican, to  fupply  them. 

The  (alt  trade  therefore  has  had  an  important  (hare  in 
the  prefent  granduer  of  Liverpool.  It  has  not  only  in- 
creafed  its  navigation  by  the  exportation  of  that  article, 
its  ftaple  commodity,  but  alfo  its  navigation  and  opulence, 
by  inducing  vefiels,  on  account  of  its  cheapnefs,  to  refort 
there,  which,  but  for  this  extraordinary  cheapnefs,  would 
have  gone  to  another  place.  Thefe  vefiels  pay  their 

dockage, 


African  Slave  Trade. 


121 


dockage,  are  often  in  want  of  repairs,  and  by  taking  oft' 
a part  of  the  foreign  imports  of  Liverpool,  contribute  to- 
wards its  opulence,  gnd  the  fupport  of  a foreign  trade. 

It  may,  perhaps,  be  not  amifs  to  introduce  a circum- 
ftance  here,  which  may  be  confidered,  in  fome  meafure, 
as  confirming;  what  has  been  hitherto  faid  on  this  fubject. 
Debating  focieties  were  held  in  Liverpool,  as  in  London, 
in  the  winter  of  the  year  1786,  but  with  this  difference, 
that  many  more  refpectable  people  exercife  their  oratory 
in  the  former  than  in  the  latter  place.  At  one  of  thefe 
the  caufes  of  the  prefent  grandeur  and  opulence  of  the 
town  of  Liverpool  were  the  fubject  of  difcuftion  for  the 
night.  Many  merchants,  and  one  or  two  of  great  refpec- 
tability  and  commercial  knowledge,  joined  in  the  debate} 
and  though  the  flave  trade  was  advanced  byaperfon  there 
to  have  been  the  principle  caufe,  he  was  obliged  to  re- 
linquifh  his  pofition,  as  wholly  fa’lfe  ; and  it  was  deter- 
mined, that  other  circumftances,  but  particularly  the  free 
admiffton  of  f rangers,  and  the  fait  trade , had  been  the 
means  of  the  prefent  grandeur  and  opulence  of  the  town. 

A third  caufe  of  the  wealth  and  importance  of  Liver- 
pool has  been  the  prodigious  increafe  of  the  population 
of  Lancafhire.  The  great  increafe  of  inhabitants  there 
has  not  failed  to  increafe  the  trade  of  the  former  place,  to 
fupply  them  with  fugar,*  wine,  and  other  foreign  commo- 
dities. To  fuch  a degree  of  populoufnefs  has  this  county 
already  arrived,  that  it  is  fuppofed  to  contain  as  many  in- 
habitants as  Middlefex,  though  London  is  included  in  the 
computation.  Such  a body  as  this  will  ever  command 
and  fupport  an  extenfive  foreign  trade. 

A fourth  caufe  has  been  the  very  rapid  and  great  ex- 
tenfion  of  the  manufactures  of  Manchefter.  The  people 
there,  inftead  of  procuring  their  cotton  as  formerly,  when 
the  demand  for  it  was  fmall,  by  the  way  of  London,  pro- 
cure it  now  chiefly  from  Liverpool } and  inftead  of  fend- 
ing their  manufactures  as  before  to  London  for  exportation, 
export  them  to  foreign  parts  through  the  fame  medium. 

* I am  credibly  informed,  that  about  fifty  years  ago,the  whole  confump- 
tion  of  Manchefter  did  not  exceed  tivo  pipes  of  wine  annually,  which  were 
brought  on  horfes  from  Prefton — a quantity  not  equal  to  the  individual 
confumptim  of  many  of  its  prefent  opulent  and  hofpitable  manufacturers. 

Thus 


122  On  the  Impolicy  of  the 

Thus  by  procuring  the  article  when  raw,  and  exporting 
it  when  manufactured,  by  means  of  Liverpool,  they  have 
given  birth  to  a new  merchandife,  have  increafed  the  fo- 
reign trade,  and  contributed  to  the  riches  of  the  place. 

A fifth  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  various  canals  which 
have  been  lately  made,  and  with  which  that  part  of  the 
country  is  interfered.  There  is  now  a communication 
from  Liverpool  by  water  to  various  parts  inland,  and  in- 
deed to  the  very  oppofite  fea.  Whole  counties  and  dif- 
triCts  of  people,  that  were  formerly  fupplied  with  foreign 
produce  from  otheir  places,  are  now  lupplied  with  it  from 
this.  This  new  intercourfe,  by  the  means  now  ftated, 
has  contributed,  perhaps  of  all  others  the  moft  largely, 
to  increafe  the  trade  and  opulence  of  the  town. 

Thefe  are  fome  of  the  principal  caufes  of  that  commer- 
cial importance  which  we  fee  in  the  town  of  Liverpool  at 
the  prefent  day ; and  1 have  made  a digreflion  in  relating 
them  for  the  purpofe  only  of  removing  an  opinion,  long 
prevalent,  that  this  town,  which  was  formerly  a fifhing 
village,  is  indebted  for  her  prefent  rank  to  the  profecu- 
tion  of  the  Have  trade. 

To  return.  That  Liverpool  would  receive  a confi- 
derable  fhock  by  the  abolition  of  the  trade  in  flaves  is  im- 
probable, when  we  confider  thofe  refources,  that  have 
been  now  mentioned  ; thofe  natural  refources,  I may  fay, 
which  are  infeparably  conne&ed  with  it,  and  which  no- 
thing but  fome  great  and  unexpected  revolution  can  take 
away.  But  as  there  are  fome  who  would  afl’ert,  that  the 
feceinon  of  eighty  fhips  from  this  trade  would  occafion 
great  embarralfment  and  cor.fufion  in  the  place,  that  the 
proprietors  would  not  know  how  to  employ  them,  that 
fhipwrights,  carpenters,  and  others,  would  want  work, 
and  experience  diltrefs,  I fliall  make  a few  obfervations 
more  on  the  fame  fubject. 

When  the  flave  fhips  have  difcharged  their  cargoes  in 
the  Weft-Indies,  they  prepare  for  returning  home. — 
Some  of  them  take  in  a fmall  portion  of  Weft-Inaian 
produce,  others  not,  according  as  they  can  get  it,  or 
have  time  to  ftay. 

From  hence  it  is  mnnifeft,  that  the  produce  of  the 
Weft-Indies  comes  to  us  by  two  means  of  conveyance  : 
firft,  by  means  of  thofe  veft'els  that  are  employed  in  going 

backwards 


African  Slave  Trade. 


123 


backwards  and  forwards  for  this  purpofe  only,  and  which 
I may  diftinguifh  by  the  name  of  veflels  in  the  natural 
trade : fecondly,  by  means  of  the  Have  veiTels.  Thefe 
carry  the  overplus,  or  ftich  produce  as  remains  over  and 
above  that  which  the  veflels  in  the  natural  trade  take  off" 
in  the  fame  time. 

This  overplus  is  regular;  that  is,  a certain  number  of 
{lave  veflels  will  uniformly  takeaway  from  the  Weft-In- 
dies a certain  quantity  of  their  produce  in  a given  time. 
To  afcertain  therefore  how  much  this  overplus  is,  will  be 
to  afcertain  the  opening  that  would  prefent  itl'elf,  or  the 
number  of  Liverpool  ftave  fhips  that  would  find  immedi- 
ate employ,  were  the  trade  abolifhed. 

The  following  is  an  account  of  fuch  Weft -Indian  pro- 
duce as  was  brought  home  by  fifty  veflels  of  that  defcrip- 
tion,  taken  promifcucufly,  or  as  they  returned  after  each 
other  into  port. 


Sugar  758  hogffieads 
Rum  102  puncheons 
Cotton  1364  bales 
Indigo  4 tierces 
Coffee  18  puncheons 
Sarfaparilla  126  bundles 
Pimento  1 hogfi'.ead 
Ginger  3 puncheons 
Pepper  77  puncheons 
Tortoife-lhell  11  barrels 
Logwood  511  tons 
Mahogany  151  logs 
Nicaragua  wood  469  tons 
Fuftic  557  tons 
Lignum  Vitae  50  tons 


152  tierces 

8 barrels 

— 

■ 4 libels. 

— 

— 

1532  bags 

951  pockets 

82  packs 

4 calks 

8 boxes 

9 bar. 

601  hhds. 

15  tierces 

136  bar. 

3 tierces 

2 barrels 

7 bags 

1042  planks 

— 

— 

3480  pieces 

89S8  pounds 

— 

— 

— 

— 

1 keg 
Sobags 


I apprehend,  thatyf/iy  ftave  veflels,  the  amount  of  whofe 
cargoes  on  their  return  from  the  Weft  Indies  has  been 
fpecified  as  above,  will  be  quite  fufficient,  in  point  of 
number,  to  ferve  as  a groundwork  for  any  calculation  on 
this  fubjeci.  This  being  fuppcfed,  I fhall  ftate  that  the 
produce  above  defcribed  is  fufficient  to  employ  4000  tons 
of  {hipping,  that  the  number  of  veflels  that  failed  from 
Liverpool  to  the  coaft  of  Africa  in  the  year  1787  were 
about  eighty,  that  they  meafured  14,012  tons,  and  that  it 
follows  from  thefe  data,  that  there  would  be  an  immediate 
opening  in  the  Weft  India  trade  for  twenty-three  fhips  of 
the  fame  average  burthen  as  the  Have  veflels:  add  to  this, 

R that 


124 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


that  as  the  productions  of  the  coaft,  annually  brought  to 
Liverpool  by  the  latter,  would  make  alfo  an  opening  in 
the  wood  trade  for  five  more,  there  would  be  an  imme- 
diate employment  for  twenty-eight  of  thofe  of  its  veflels 
that  are  now  employed  in  the  flave  trade. 

With  refpe£t  to  the  reft,  the  growing  refources  of  Li- 
verpool, and  the  new  trades  that  prefent  themfelves,  would 
engage  many,  and  it  is  probable,  from  the  adventurous 
fpirit  of  the  people  there,  that  there  would  not  be,  at  the 
end  of  twelve  months  from  the  abolition,  ten  veflels  out 
of  employ ; a number  which  has  often  been  withdrawn 
from  this  trade  in  one  year,  and  the  withdrawing  of  which 
has  been  two  infigniheant  to  be  felt. 

It  is  evident  therefore  that  the  town  of  Liverpool  could 
not  poflibly  feel  a fhock  by  the  abolition  of  the  (lave  trade. 
This  abolition,  on  the  other  hand,  would  prepare  the  wav 
for  a new  commercial  eftablifhment  on  the  coaft  ; and  if 
fuch  a trade,  in  all  its  various  branches,  were  eftablifhed 
there,  as  is  capable  of  being  introduced,  not  only  the  na- 
vigation, but  the  opulence  and  importance  of  Liverpool 
would  be  carried,  by  many  degrees,  beyond  their  prefent 
extent ; nor  is  it  eafy  to  fay  at  what  diftance  a line  could 
be  drawn  from  their  prefent  bounds,  to  which  they  could 
not  be  made,  from  the  vaft  and  inexhauftible  refources  of 
Africa,  to  arrive  in  time. 

To  fum  up  the  contents  of  the  three  laft  fetftions. — If 
wc  conflder  that  the  revenue  could  not  poflibly  be  dimi- 
nifhed  by  the  abolition  of  the  flave  trade,  but  that,  in  the 
courfe  of  time,  it  would  be  inevitably  increafed ; if  we 
conflder  that  the  exportation  of  our  manufactures  to  Africa 
might  be  diminifhed  for  a year  or  two,  but  only  to  recover 
its  former  height,  and  then  to  proceed  to  a degree  of 
extenficn,  almoft  incredible,  if  compared  with  that  at  the 
prefent  day ; and  if  aiiain  we  conflder  that  the  manufac- 
turing and  coonmercial  towns  of  this  kingdom  would  be  fo 
far  from  receiving  a fliock,  that  they  would  derive  in  fu- 
ture the  moft  important  advantages  from  the  change  ^ then 
is  the  flave  trade,  additionally  impolitic , for  as  much  as  its 
abolition  could  not  be  immediately  injurious,  but  would 
be  attended,  in  a little  time,  in  all  the  inftances  now 
mentioned,  with  the  happieft  effects. 


CHAP.  III. 


African  Slave  Trade. 


125 


CHAP.  III. 


It  is  not  improbable,  but  that  fome  of  the  advocates 
for  flavery  may  flop  here,  andraife  the  following  objection 
to  fome  of  the  principal  allertions  that  have  been  made 
in  the  fecond  part  of  the  work. 

“ You  have  faid,  that  if  the  Have  trade  were  abolifhed, 
the  planters  would  breed  from  their  prefent  flock,  that 
the  revenue  could  not  poftibly  be  diminifhed,  and  that 
the  manufacturing  and  commercial  towns  would  feel  its 
annihilation  fo  little,  as  to  be  almoft  infenfible  of  the 
change.  But  this  is  only  a matter  of  {peculation.  Others, 
who  have  thought  on  the  fame  fubjedt,  have  come  to  a 
different  conclufion.  It  is  by  fads  alone  that  we  ought 
to  be  guided  in  a matter  that  is  of  fo  much  importance  as 
the  prefent  cafe.” 

To  this  I reply,  that  I will  meet  their  objeClion,  and 
that  I will  reft  thefe  confequences  of  the  abolition  of  the 
Have  trade,  as  far  as  a reference  can  be  had,  upon  fads 
alone. 

There  was  a time,  during  the  late  war,  when  the  flave 
trade  may  be  confidered  as  having  been  nearly  aboiiihed. 
This  is  the  proper  time  for  a reference  of  this  kind  ; and 
that  fuch  a time  is  to  be  found  will  be  evident  from  the 
following  account. 

In  the  year  1772  failed  from  the  different  1 

ports  of  Great  Britain  for  the  Coaft  of  j- 175  veflels. 

Africa  J 


It  appears  from  this  account,  that  in  the  year  1772, 
the  year  preceding  the  war,  one  hundred  and  feventy -five 
veflels  were  fitted  out  at  the  different  ports  of  Great 


1 773 

1774 
17  75 

1776 

1777 

r778 

1779 


58 


41 

28 


Britain 


1 26 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


Biitain  for  the  coaft  of  Africa,  and  that  in  the  year  1779 
they  were  reduced  to  twenty-eight.  The  have  trade, 
therefore,  may  be  corifidered  as  having  been  nearly  abo- 
lifhed  in  this  period.  Now’,  we  may  all  of  us  know',  if 
we  inquire,  what  were  the  effeits  of  withdrawing,  in  the 
courfe  of  fix  years,  one  hundred  and  forty-feven  veffels  from 
this  trade.  If  it  fhould  appear  that  thefe  effects  were  not 
detrimental,  that  the  planter  bred  from  his  ilock,  that  the 
revenue  was  not  diminifhcd,  that  the  different  towns  be- 
fore mentioned  were  in  as  flourifhing  a condition  in  the 
year  1779,  when  the  African  trade  was  leaft,  as  in  the 
year  1772,  when  it  was  at  its  greateft  height,  then  it 
may  be  concluded,  that  the  reafoning  in  the  preceding 
chapters  is  true,  and  that  fails,  as  well  as  reafoning, 
evince,  that  none  of  thofe  fatal  effeits,  foreboded  by  the 
advocates  for  flavery,  are  to  be  apprehended  by  the  abo- 
lition of  the  trade. 

To  begin  with  thefe  effeits.  Nothing  is  more  certain 
than  that  the  planters  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  fore- 
feeing  that  their  ufual  fupplies  would  be  cut  off,  or,  in 
other  w'ords,  the  Have  trade  annihilated,  changed  the 
fyftem  of  management  on  their  plantations,  and  that  they 
bred  from  their  then  ftock.  The  effects  of  their  con- 
duit, in  the  encouragement  of  population,  are  vifible  at 
the  prefent  day ; for  out  of  450,000  Haves,  to  be  reckon- 
ed on  ouj  iflands,  350,000  of  thefe  are  Creoles. 

It  is  clear  alfo,  that  a branch  of  the  revenue  was  not 
annihilated  during  that  period  of  the  war,  of  which  I have 
before  fpoken. 


1773  " Js733>793 

1774  - 1,963,578 

1775  - I>94°>°59 

1776  - 1,669,071 

1777  * i>336,037 

1778  - 1,404,995 

1779  ~ I*44I>943 


From  hence  we  colleit,  that  in  the  year  1772,  w'tten 
the  African  trade  was  at  its  height,  1,766,422  cwt.  of 

fugar 


For,  in  the  year  1772  was 
imported  into  England 


| 1,766,422 


cw’t.  of  fugar. 

O 


African  Slave  Trade. 


127 


fugar  was  imported  into  this  country,  and  that  1,441,  943 
cwt.  was  imported,  when  the  trade  was  nearly  loft.  A 
branch  therefore  of  the  revenue  ftill  remained.  But  it 
will  be  faid,  that  the  quantity  of  fugar  imported  in  the 
year  1772,  was  certainly  much  greater  than  that  in  the 
year  1779.  I allow  it.  But  I reply,  that  in  this,  and 
the  two  preceding  years,  the  enemy  had  colledted  their 
ftrength,  that  the  difference  of  importation  is  to  be  afcribed 
to  captures,  and  that  lefs  fugar  v/as  not  made,  though  lefs 
was  brought  to  market  by  the  chance  of  war  in  the  year 
1779  than  in  the  year  1772,  notwitnftanding  that  one 
hundred  and forty-feven  vefl’els  had  been  withdrawn  from 
the  African  trade. 

I come  now  to  confider  the  fituation  of  the  manufac- 
turing and  commercial  towns  atthe  two  periods  affigned. 

In  the  year  1772,  the  manufacturers  of  Manchefter 
worked  for  an  hundred  and  feventy-five  veflels.  In  the 
year  17 79  they  worked  only  for  twenty-eight , Notvvith- 
ftanding  this,  there  were  none  of  them  out  of  employ. 
They  had  engaged  themfelves  in  other  branches  of  ma 
nufadture,  and  the  trade  of  Manchefter  was  in  a more 
flourifhing  fituation  in  the  latter  than  in  the  former 
period  ; a fail,  which  many  of  its  refpedtable  inhabitants 
can  teftify. 

With  refpedt  to  Liverpool,  * a few  obfervations  will 
be  fufficient. 


TABLE 


I. 


1772  failed  from  Liverpool  for 
of  Africa 

^ 100 

1773 

- 

105 

1774 

- 

92 

1775 

1776 

— 

8r 

57 

1 777 

- 

3i 

J778 

- 

26 

1779 

- 

1 r 

veflels. 


* I omit  London  and  Briftol,  as  having  had  an  ir.con/iderable  /hare  in 
the  trade. 


TABLE  II. 


128 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


TABLE  II. 


In  the  year  1772  the  dock-duties  of 


Liverpool  amounted  to 


1773 

1774 


4725 

4580 

5384 

5064 

4610 


1775 


1776 

1777 

1778 

1779 


4649 

4957 


From  thele  tables  it  appears,  that  when  Liverpool  had 
one  hundred,  veflels  in  the  African  trade,  the  dock-duties 
amounted  to  £.  4552,  and  that  when  thefe  veflels  were 
reduced  to  eleven , the  dock-duties  rofe  to£.  4957.  Other 
faCts,  of  a fimilar  nature,  might  be  added  here,  but  that 
it  is  too  well  known  that  Liverpool  was  in  a more 
flaurifhing  fituation  in  the  year  1779,  than  in  the  year 
1772 ; that  there  was  no  want  of  employ;  and  that  none 
of  thofe  confequences  were  realized,  which  are  foreboded 
by  the  patrons  of  the  trade. 

It  is  manifefl:  from  the  general  fketch  now  given,  that 
we  have  feen,  during  the  late  war,  what  would  be  the 
effeCts  of  abolifhing  the  Have  trade  : for  no  lefs  than  one 
hundred  and forty-feven  veflels  were  taken  out  of  it  during 
that  period,  whereas  there  are  only  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
feven  in  employ  at  the  prefent  day  ; and  we  have  aright  to 
infer,  that  if  the  revenue,  and  manufacturing  and  com- 
mercial towns,  did  not  then  fuffer  by  withdrawing  fo  great 
a number  from  the  trade,  they  would  hardly  now  fuffer  by 
withdrawing  a lefs.  The  reafoning,  therefore,  contained 
in  the  three  preceding  chapters  of  the  fecond  part  of  the 
work,  will  ftand  good,  till  the  faCts,  mentioned  in  this, 
fhall  be  difproved  : and  I am  too  well  fatisfied  of  their  au- 
thenticity not  to  know  that  they  cannot  be  contradicted. 


CHAP.  IV. 


African  Slave  Trade. 


129 


CHAP.  IV. 

The  confequences,  that  are  confidered  as  likely  tore 
fait  from  the  abolition  of  the  (lave  trade,  have  been  hi 
therto  canvafled  under  two  heads,  namely,  fuch  as  would 
ferioufly  affetft  the  colonies , and  fuch  as  would  ferioudy 
afFetft  this  kingdom.  There  is  yet  another  to  be  examin- 
ed, but  of  a different  complexion  from  the  former.  It 
is  faid,  that  44  if  the  Englilh  abolifh  the  Have  trade,  the 
44  French  will  take  it  up,  and  that  the  latter  (politically 
44  fpeaking)  will  derive  great  advantages  from  the 
44  meafure.” 

That  the  French  would  take  it  up,  if  the  Englifh  abo~ 
lifhcd  it,  is,  like  mod  of  the  afTertions  of  the  advocates 
for  flavery,  but  a bare  conjecture  ; notwithftanding  that 
it  is  afliimed  and  delivered  with  as  much  confidence  as 
if  it  were  a fact. 

There  are  many  circumftances  that  warrant  me  in  af- 
ferting,  that  the  French  would  be  unable  to  take  it  up ,* 
were  they  fo  inclined  ; but  that  they  would  even  conti- 
nue it  is  improbable. 

Firft,  becaufe  a focicty  has  been  lately  eftablifhed  in 
France,  on  the  fame  principles  as  that  of  London,  for 
the  purpofe  of  effedting  the  abolition  of  the  (lave  trade 
among  the  French  ; and  I aftert  with  equal  pleafure  and 
confidence,  that  fome  of  the  firft  people  in  France  have 
fhewn  themfelves  heartily  difpofed  to  attend  to  the  object 
of  their  inftitution. 

Secondly,  becaufe  if  no  fuch  humane  motives  impelled 
the  French,  as  are  difcoverable  among  them,  they  would 
hardly  give  us  the  credit  of  abolifhing  the  Have  trade, 
however  we  might  deferve  it,  upon  the  principle  of  hu- 
manity. They  are  well  aware  that  nations  are  guided  by 
motives,  that  are  termed  political ; that  if  we  were  to  put 
a ftop  to  the  trade,  it  would  be  probably  from  the  confi- 
deration  of  its  unpolicy  j and  that  if  it  were  politic  in  us  to 
abolilh  it,  it  would  be  equally  fo  in  them. 

* That  is,  to  fupply  themfelves  with  that  number  of  flaves  with 
which  we  fupply  them  at  prefent,  and  to  become  the  carriers  for  the 
Spaniards. 

Thirdly, 


r3o 


On  the  Impolicy  of  the 


Thirdly,  becaufe  they  would  never  fuffer  us  to  pufh  a 
new  trade  in  the  natural  productions  of  Africa,  without 
following  our  example  ; and  they  have  already  purchafed 
a confiderable  tradt  of  land  at  Cape  Verd,  where  they 
are  ready  to  begin,  whenever  we  fhew  them  the  way,  if 
not  to  be  before  hand  with  us  in  the  advantages  refulting 
from  fuen  a trade. 

Thefe  are  reafons  th2t  have  weighed  fufficiently  with 
me,  to  induce  me  to  fuppofe,  that  the  French  would  at 
any  rate  give  up  the  Have  trade,  if  we  relinquifhed  it,  and 
thefe  reafons  are  much  ftronger  than  any  that  I can  find 
on  the  other  fide  of  the  aueftion.  However,  as  this  is 
only  a matter  of  conjecture,  and  as  any  opponent  has  a 
right,  if  he  is  better  informed,  to  argue  the  contrary,  1 
will  fuppofe,  that  when  the  Englilh  relinquish  it,  the  French 
will  not  only  continue  it  as  at  prefent,  but  take  it  up. 

Let  us  then  confider  the  confequences ; for  it  it  is  faid, 
that  they  will  derive  great  advantages  from  the  meafure. 

In  the  firfi:  place,  we  fhall  transfer  to  them  a lof.ng 
trade  ; in  the  fecond,  one  that  will  be  the  grave  of  their 
marine.  The  latter  is  too  important  a confideration  to 
be  palled  over  without  fome  remarks. 

The  French  are  now  paying  uncommon  attention,  as 
it  is  well  known,  to  their  marine,  and  look  up  to  their 
American  pofleffions  for  its  fupport.  A great  part  of  the 
fiaves  that  affilt  in  the  cultivation  of  thefe,  are  furnifhed 
by  our  means.  Every  lot  of  them,  which  we  import,  or 
caufe  to  be  imported  there,  affifts  them  in  the  completion 
of  their  prefent  views.  But  if  we  relinquifh  the  (lave 
trade,  and  if,  bn  the  other  hand,  they  become  the  im- 
porters of  their  own  Haves,  the  feene  will  be  totally  reverf- 
ed.  For  in  the  importation  of  every  lot  of*  nine  hundred 
efFe&ive  Haves  into  the  uncultivated  parts  of  St.  Domingo, 
they  will  make  twenty-five , but  lofef fixty  feamen ; and  in 
every  fucli  importation  into  any  of  their  old  fettled  plan- 
tations, they  will  lofe  fxty,  and  make  none.  Thus,  by 

* See  Page  79. 

This  is  what  the  Englilh  would  lofe  in  fuppljing  the  French  v.’ith 
900  effective  fiaves ; and  as  the  latter  lofe  more  than  the  former,  in 
proportion  to  the  tonage  of  their  fliips,  t!ie  itaiement  is  much  within 
hounds. 


becoming 


African  Slave  Trade. 


becoming  the  carriers  of  their  own  Haves,  they  will  find, 
in  every  cafe,  a conllderable  balance  of  lofs  to  their  ma- 
rine ; and,  by  becoming  the  carriers  of  Haves  to  the 
Spanilh  fettlements,  (which  is  included  in  the  idea  of 
taking  up  the  trade)  this  lofs  will  be  fo  increafed,  as  to 
become,  in  the  fcale  of  their  naval  importance,  of  the 
moll  ferious  concern. 

Thefe  then  are  fome  of  the  advantages  that  the  French 
would  experience  by  taking  up  the  Have  trade;  let  us 
now,  for  a moment,  advert  to  fome  of  thofe  that  would 
refult  to  us,  who  relinquifhed  it. 

In  the  firft  place  we  Ihould  be  profecuting  a new  and 
profitable  commerce  in  the’ productions  of  Africa:  and 
to  that  nation,  which  firft  made  its  eftublilhment  there, 
the  moft  advantages  would  accrue. 

In  the  fecond  place  we  fhould  be  adding  to  the  ftrength 
of  our  marine  : fir  ft,  by  faving  thofe  feamen,  who,  to  the 
amount  of  fome  hundreds,  now  annually  perifh;  and, 
fecondly,  by  the  lofs  which  the  French  would  fuftain  in 
the  profecution  of  the  trade : for  whatever  lofs  is  in  this 
way  incurred  by  thofe,  whom  at  any  future  period  we  are 
to  meet  upon  the  feas,  fuch  lofs  is  to  be  carried  over  to 
our  fide  of  the  account,  as  fo  much  additional  gain  : nor 
would  any  lot  of  nine  hundrel  effe£tive  Haves  be  delivered 
into  the  uncultivated  parts  of  St.  Domingo,  or  the  old 
eftablifhed  plantations  among  the  French,  but  thirty-five 
feamen  in  the  firft  inftance,  and _/7.vj'y  in  the  fccond,  might 
be  confidered  to  be  added  to  our  marine. 

In  the  third  place  the  Haves  of  the  Britifh  planters  be- 
ing attached  to  the  foil  by  birth,  being  bound  to  their 
mailers  by  gratitude,  and  living  among  their  relatives  and 
friends,  would  be  a firm  and  faithful  protection  to  the  iH- 
ands  in  the  time  of  war.  A part  of  the  naval  and  mili- 
tary force,  formerly  fent  for  their  defence,  could  then  act 
on  the  offenfive:  whereas  the  French,  on  the  other  hand, 
would  not  only  be  tied  down  in  thefe  particulars,  but 
would  have  to  defend  their  iflands,  in  conjunction  with 
a people  who  had  been  robbed  of  the  natural  rights  of 
men,  and  who  would  feize  the  firft  opportunity  that  of- 
lered  of  gratifying  their  revenge. 

S 


To 


1 32  On  the  Impolicy  of  the 

To  fum  up  the  whole.  If  the  French,  whenever  we 
fhould  abolifh  the  Have  trade,  would  co-operate  with  us 
in  the  plan,  then  would  the  caufe  of  humanity  be  effen- 
ti all y ferved;  for  even  the  advocates  for  flavery  allow,  that 
if  the  two  nations  were  to  coincide  in  this  particular,  the 
bufinefs  would  be  effectually  done : but  if,  on  the  other 
hand,  they  would  perfevere  in  the  continuance  of  it,  and 
enter  into  it  more  extensively  than  before,  then  would  the 
higheft  political  advantages  refult  to  us,  who  rclinquilhed 
it;  for  if  we  could  lay  our  hands  on  our  hearts,  and  fay 
that  the  flave  trade  was  either  humane  or  juft,  there  are 
few  events  that  we  could  wifti  for  more  to  the  intereft  of 
this  kingdom  than  that,  when  the  Englifh  relinquifhed  it, 
the  French  would  take  it  up. 


CHAP.  V. 

I have  now  replied  to  all  the  arguments  of  any  confe- 
quence  that  I have  ever  heard  advanced  in  favour  of  the 
policy  of  the  flave  trade,  or  againft  the  expediency  of  its 
abolition.  It  only  remains,  therefore,  that  I fhould  col- 
lect into  one  point  of  view  the  fubftance  of  what  has  been 
faid  throughout  the  whole  of  the  prefent  work. 

It  has  appeared,  that  the  flave  trade,  confidered  abftraCt- 
edly  by  itfelf,  is  of  no  emolument  to  the  nation-,  that  it  is 
unprofitable , on  the  whole,  to  individuals ; and  that  it  is 
the  grave  of  our  feamen,  deftroying  more  of  them  in  one 
year,  than  all  the  other  trades  of  Great  Britain,  when  put 
together,  deftroy  in  two. 

It  has  appeared,  on  the  other  hand,  that  the  trade  which 
might  be  fubftituted  for  it  in  the  natural  productions  of 
Africa,  if  confidered  in  the  fame  light,  would,  by  afford- 
ing an  inexhauftiblc  mine  of  wealth  to  our  dyers  and 
artificers  in  wood,  by  enabling  us  to  break  the  monopoly 
cf  the  Dutch  in  fpices,  by  repaying  us  for  the  lofs  of 
America,  and  by  becoming  the  cheapcft  market  for  all 
forts  of  raw  materials  for  our  manufacturers,  be  of  great 
national  advantage. 


African  Slave  Trade. 


133 

It  has  appeared,  fecondly,  that  fuch  a trade  would  be 
highly  profitable  to  individuals. 

Thirdly,  that  it  would  be  a nurfiery  for  our fieamen , not 
only  to  cherilh  and  preferve  them,  but  to  return  them 
in  health  and  vigour,  in  cafe  of  an  imergency,  in  a few 
weeks. 

Fourthly,  that  it  could  not  poffibly  interfere  with  the 
productions  of  our  prefient  colonies. 

This  is  the  firft  ftatement  that  maybe  collected  from  a 
perufal  of  the  prefent  work. 

To  proceed.  It  has  appeared  alfo,  that,  if  the  Have 
trade  were  abolifhed,  fuch  an  abolition  could  not  be  pro- 
ductive of  any  immediate  detriment,  but  would  be  attend- 
ed with  future  gain. 

Firft,  the  planter  would  be  relieved  from  a continual 
fource  of  embarraflment  and  diltrefs ; his  property  would 
be  increafed,  his  annual  returns  would  be  larger,  he 
would  feel  hiinfelfin  an  independent  fituation  in  point 
of  fubftance,  both  in  peace  and  war,  and  he  would  have 
the  unfpeakable  fatisfaction  of  going  to  his  bedfeailefs  of 
any  private  machinations,  and  in  full  confidence  that  his 
property,  as  well  as  his  perfon,  would  be  fecure. 

Secondly,  his  flaves,  neceflarily  experiencing,  on  one 
hand,  a diminution  of  their  former  rigours,  and  raifed  by 
certain  regulations,  to  pofitive  advantages  on  the  other, 
they  would  be  admitted  to  a confiderable  portion  of  hap- 
pinefs,  and  their  condition  be  confiderably  improved. 

Thirdly,  the  iflands  would  be  fafe  in  the  time  of  war. 

Fourthly,  new  fources  would  be  opened  for  the  im- 
provement of  the  revenue. 

Fifthly,  neu'fources-would  be[opened  for  the  confump- 
tion  of  our  manufactures. 

This  is  the  fecond  ftatement  that  may  be  collected  from 
the  prefent  work  ; and  I think  it  is  evident,  upon  a ma- 
ture confideration  of  both,  unlefs  a perfon  wilfully  fhuts 
his  eyes,  that  the  Have  trade  is  (as  I undertook  to  fhew 
in  the  introductory  chapter)  as  impolitic  as  it  is  inhuman 
and  unjufi.  For  when  we  confider  that  this  trade,  by 
deftroying  our  marine,  is  not  only  a political  evil  in  itfelf, 


On  the  Impolicy,  &c. 


*34 

but  that  it  binders  the  introduction  of  one , to  which  if  it 
were  compared  in  point  of  individual  or  national  emolu- 
ment, would  be  like  an  illand  to  a continent,  or  a river 
to  a fea  ; and  that  it  prevents  the  exiftence  of  thofe  im- 
portant advantages  both  to  the  colonies  and  this  kingdom 
that  have  been  defcribed  above  ; we  may  fafely  fay,  that 
whatever  arguments  the  moraliji  is  able  to  colled:  from 
the  light  of  reafori,  or  the  man  of  humanity  from  his  feel- 
ings, the  ftatefmen  is  able  to  colled  others  from  thefource 
of  policy , that  call  equally  aloud  for  its  ABOLITION. 


FINIS. 


A N 


ORATION, 

UPON  THE 

NECESSITY 

O F 

ESTABLISHING  at  PARIS, 


A 

SOCIETY 


To  Co-operate  with  those  of  America  and 
London,  towards  the  Abolition  of  the 

TRADE  and  SLAVERY 

OF  THE 

NEGROES. 

Delivered  the  19th  of  February,  1788,  in  a 
Society  of  a few  Friends,  assembled  at 
Paris,  at  the  request  of  the  Committee 
of  London,  j 

By  J.  P.  BRISSOT  de  WARVILLE. 


Non  potest  honestum  esse  q_uor>  non  est  liberum  : nam 
<>U0D  TIMET  SERVIT.  SENECA. 

He  cannot  be  Iloneft  who  is  not  Free  : for  be  -who  fears  another  is  enjlaved. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

Printed  by  FRANCIS  BAILEY,  at  Yorick’s- 
Head,  in  Market-street. 

M;DCC,LXXXV2II* 


V 


■r 


PREFACE, 

By  the  TRANSLATOR. 


rTyHE  defire  to  fave  our  Society , efablijhed  in  this  city  for 
-*■  the  Abolition  of  Negro  Slavery , the  expenfe  of  hiring  a 
tranfator , and  not  an  over-weening  conceit  of  my  own  know- 
ledge of  the  French  language , has  induced  me  to  tr  an  fate  this 
Oration.  The  funds  of  our  Society  are  fmall , and  every  fum 
which  is  faved  to  it,  or  given  to  it,  is  of  confequence , confider- 
ing  the  great  number  of  Negroes  whom  we  have  actually 
liberated,  and  the  confiderable  fervice  which  we  have  done  to 
the  general  caufe  of  the  Negroes. — I am  alfo  happy  in  being 
the  injlrument  of  putting  this  work  into  Engli/h,  on  account  of 
the  principles  of  humanity  and  of  the  genius  which  it  flsews, 
and  from  the  great  regard  which  I bear  towards  the  fociety 
efablijhed  at  Paris,  foon  after  the  pronouncing  this  Oration, 
for  the  purpofe  of  procuring  the  abolition  of  the  favery  of  the 
Negroes ; which  is  compofed  of  many  men  of  high  birth,  of 
brilliant  talents  and  erudition,  and  of  confpicuous  patriotifm. 
1 had  literally  but  a very  few  days  allowed  me  to  tranfate  the 
work,  on  account  of  the  eagernefs  to  re-publifh  it,  which  mujl 
plead  in  my  excufe  for  fame  errors  which  I may  have  commit- 
ted. It  is  neccffary  to  mention,  that  I have  had  a perfonal 
interview  with  the  author , in  Philadelphia , and  that  he  has 
given  to  me  hisfelf  fame  alterations  and  additions  to  the  firf 
edition  of  his  Oration. 

CHARLES  CRAWFORD. 


Philadelphia,  9th  Month,  1788. 


I 


-.^-rr=£S8& 

-\r  i 


A N 


ORATION,  &c. 


GENTLEMEN, 

THE  honorable  commiffion  that  we  are  here*  at  this 
time  about  to  fill,  is  fo  important  in  its  object,  that 
we  fhould  think  ourfelves  culpable  to  delay  for  a tingle 
moment  the  configning  it  to  thofe  hands  which  are  likely 
to  enfure  it  fuccefs. 

A refpedtable  fociety  is  formed  at  London  to  procure* 
in  a legal  manner,  the  abolition  of  the  horrible  negro- 
trade:  they  invite  all  thofe  who  love  their  fellow-men,  to 
concur  with  them,  to  accomplifh  every  where  this  work 
of  juftice  ; they  requeft  us  to  feek  out,  and  to  bring  toge- 
ther in  France  zealous  perfons,  and  fuch  who  are  capa- 
ble to  fpread  the  neceflary  information  for  preparing  and 
determining  this  revolution.  Can  we  better  fulfil  the  in- 
tentions of  this  fociety,  than  in  addreffing  ourfelves  to 
men,  whofe  moft  ardent  defire  is  to  remove  the  errors, 
the  follies,  the  enormities  of  part  ages,  and  to  advance 
that  fyfiem  of  peace  and  brotherly  affedlion  which  fhould 
unite  all  mankind. 

It  would  be  proper  to  call  to  mind  the  feeble  efforts  to 
which  free  America  owes  the  improvement  of  the  con- 
dition of  the  negroes.  A fingle  man,  almoft  without 
connexion,  without  fortune,  having  no  other  ftimulus 
than  that  of  his  own  mind,  undertakes  to  procure  the  a- 
bolition  of  Have-holding  in  his  country.  He  goes  about, 

* The  Society  ■ inftituted  at  London  for  the  Abolition  of  the  Slave 
Trade,  perfonally  aadreffed  Mtflrs.  Clarieu  and  Warville,  to  intereft 
them  to  found  a fimilar  fociety  in  France. 

T 


preaching 


140 


An  ORATION. 


preaching  his  doctrine  every  where:  the  eyes  of  his  bre- 
threns  the  Quakers  are  firft  opened.  It  is  not  difficult  to 
open  the  eyes  of  men  who  have  no  vanity,  who  are  not 
affirming,  who  are  always  occupied  on  lerious  fubjeCts, 
and  who  from  the  nature  of  their  religious  principles,  can 
only  defign,  in  all  their  proceedings,  what  is  moft  for  the 
interefts  of  humanity.  Thefe  Quakers,  upon  whom  the 
flippancy  of  ignorance,  more  than  malice,  has  attempted 
to  prove  calumnies,  by  often  repeating  them-,  thefe 
Quakers  maintain  that  it  is  unjuft,  inhuman,  againft  the 
principles  of  religion  to  keep  men  in  flavery,  to  tyrannife 
over  their  thoughts,  their  inclinations,  to  feize  the  fruit 
of  their  labors,  and  they  have  accordingly  loofed  the  chains 
from  the  hands  of  feveral  thoufand  flaves  fcattered  over 
the  four  northern  ftates  of  America  *. 

It  was  more  difficult  to  make  a fimilar  doctrine  adopt  - 
ed in  the  fouthern  ftates.  The  number  of  blacks  was 
more  large  in  them:  it  was  greater  than  that  of  the 
whites. 

It  appeared  fo  ufeful  to  the  fpeculations  of  avarice  to 
fell  the  produce  of  laborers  and  the  work  of  numerous 
flaves,  without  paying  for  their  hire;  it  appeared  fo  con- 
venient to  have  only  to  command,  to  bend  to  the  earth 
all  thefe  captives,  to  have  nothing  to  do  but  to  lavifh 
threats  and  punifhments  to  conftrain  them  to  force  from 
its  bofom,  notwithftanding  the  heat  of  a confuming  fun, 
all  its  hidden  productions,  that  fome  men  eafily  perfuad- 
ed  themfelves  that  this  flavery  was  a law  of  nature ; that 
it  had  condemned  fome  men  to  ferve  others,  like  domef- 
tic  animals;  that  her  will  was  fufficiently  certified  by  the 
difference  of  colour.  They  perfuaded  themfelves  that  it 
was  impoffible  to  obtain  the  productions  of  the  foil  of  A- 
merica  by  any  other  cultivation,  than  that  of  black  flaves. 
In  this  manner  fophiftry  has  joined  with  private  interell 
and  cuftom,  tojuftifythis  horrible  injuftice. 

Neverthelefs,  gentlemen,  fuch  is  the  empire  of  reafon, 
when  it  unfolds  itfelf  under  the  aufpices  of  liberty;  that 

* We  (hould  do  equal  juftice  to  all  thofc  who,  in  the  beginning,  have 
contributed  to  this  revolution.  Another  Qtiakcr,  named  Woolman, 
tjoie  a confiderable  part  with  Beneiet. 

fcarcely 


An  ORATION. 


Hi 

fcarcely  was  the  independence  of  the  United  States  con- 
firmed, than  the  queftion  concerning  the  flavery  of  the 
blacks  was  agitated  in  the  fouthern  ftates,  than  their  caufe 
was  embraced  there,  defended  with  warmth  by  the  beft 
geniufes,  by  the  moil  refpe&able  perfonages.  It  was, 
really,  with  difficulty  that  they  were  prevented  from 
gaining  this  point.  From  what  right  could  they  obfti- 
nately  detain  other  men  in  flavery,  who  themfelves  had  juft 
fealcd  W'ith  their  blood  this  eternal  truth,  that  all  men  are 
born  free  and  equal?  And  with  what  inconfiftency  mult  they 
have  continued  the  cuftom  of  flavery,  fince  the  inequality 
of  the  right  of  reprefcntation,*  and  the  afleflment  of  their 
taxes,  is  founded  on  this  general  opinion,  that  the  produce 
of  the  work  of  a flave  is  inferior  to  that  of  a freeman. 

But  fuch  is  the  misfortune  attendant  upon  vicious  infti- 
tutions  and  bad  cuftoms,  that  even  when  they  have  be- 
come odious,  the  apprehenfions  from  a change  lends  them 
ftrength  to  continue.  Fears,  founded  folely  on  appearan- 
ces, have  for  a long  time  prevented  the  legiflature,  which 
was  ready  to  break  in  pieces  the  chains  that  were  forged  by 
avarice. — They  were  afraid,  and  the  confcioufnefs  of  the 
crime  of  which  they  were  guilty  was  perhaps  the  true  caufe 
of  this  fear,  that  if  the  Negroes  obtained  their  freedom 
they  would  abufe  it ; they  were  afraid,  left  from  having 
been  fo  long  martyrs,  they  Ihould  feek  to  avenge  themfelves 
upon  their  executioners  ; they  were  afraid,  left  armed  and 
numerous,  they  fliould  incite  difturbances,  and  even  dan- 
gerous wars  ; and  even  amongft  thofe  who  treated  thefe 
fears  as  chimerical,  there  were  fome  who  looked  upon  it 
as  a public  + calamity,  as  a great  inconvenience,  the  con- 

* The  right  of  reprefentation  in  the  propofed  federal  government  of 
the  United  States,  is  founded  upon  a calculation,  that  the  produce  of  the 
Work  of  a flave  is  to  that  of  a freeman  as  three  to  five. 


f This  horror  for  a black  flein,  which  is  only  the  effedt  of  the  glorious 
fun,  which  we  all  admire,  is  unreafonable  and  wicked.  If  the  white'll; 
people  upon  earth  were  to  emigrate  to  Africa,  they  would  become  black 
in  the  courfe  of  time.  We  have  fome  proof  of  this  in  hiftory.  The 
Arabians  croflcd  over  the  Red  fea  into  Abiflinia  in  Africa  a few  centu- 
ries ago,  and  are  now  become  black.  “ The  Abiflines  are  generally  black, 
which  they  moil  admire.” — Job  Ludolpbus's  Hiftory  of  Ethiopia,  page  71. 

The  Translator. 

jugal 


An  ORATION. 


142 

jugal  union  of  the  Whites  with  the  Blacks,  which  the 
freedom  of  the  latter  would  render  more  frequent. 

We,  without  doubt,  fhould  not  blame  the  circumfpec- 
tion  of  legillators  who  temporife,  efpecially  as  the  quef- 
tion  is  about  bringing  on  acrifis  which  is  to  determine  the 
condition  of  millions  of  men  ; efpecially,  too,  as  we  may 
be  afraid  left  it  fhould  be  productive  of  crimes,  from  not 
having  fufficiently  prepared  minds  which  have  been  embit- 
tered by  long  refentments  ; above  all,  in  fhort,  fince  from 
the  negleCt  of  accompanying  this  change  with  wife  pre- 
cautions, they  may  reduce  to  mifery  thofe  whom  they  are 
willing  to  deliver  from  fervitude,  and  thereby  render  void 
the  bleiling  of  liberty,  and  furnifh  a new  pretence  to  the 
tyranny  of  perfonal  intereft,  and  to  the  calumnies  againft 
political  philofophers. 

But  while  wg  approve  this  prudent  hefitation,  let  us  have 
the  courage  to  blame  the  motives  which  fhould  prolong  it, 
without  regard  for  the  condition  of  the  Negroes,  without 
advantage  to  the  intereft,  without  necellity  for  the  fafety 
of  the  Whites, 

Why  fhould  we  fear,  for  inftance,  the  hand  of  the  man 
whom  vvc  voluntarily  liberate,  whom  we  embrace  as  a 
brother,  whom  we  place  at  our  fides,  to  whom  we  reftore 
his  rights,  above  all  the  right  of  uling  his  reafon  for  the 
advancement  of  his  happinefs  r 

We  do  not  know  then  the  prodigious  influence  of  li- 
berty to  unfold  human  reafon,  and  to  eftablifh  univerfal 
peace  ! We  do  not  know  then  that  reafon  has  never  made 
any  progrefs,  and  will  never  arrive  at  its  laft  degree  of  per- 
fection, but  by  liberty  ; that  univerfal  peace  will  never 
exift,  until  all  focieties  are  free  ! 

In  a free  fociety  man  is  induced  by  felf-intereft  to  exert 
his  faculties  to  the  greateft  degree  ; in  a free  fociety  we  are 
governed  by  univerfal  reafon,  and  univerfal  reafon  conftrains 
us  to  with  effentially  the  peace  and  happinefs  of  all  men. 

In  entertaining  thefe  agreeable  ideas,  I cannot  forbear, 
gentlemen,  remarking  the  error  into  which  fome  fall  when 
they  are  willing  to  enlighten  men  who  are  actually  infiav- 
ed  without  deftroying  that  flavery. — We  hear  it  mentioned 
every  where,  Enlighten  men,  and  they  will  become  better  ; 
but  the  experience  of  every  age  teils  us.  Make  men  free, 


§ 


) 


An  ORATION. 


H3 

and  they  will  become  of  courfe  and  rapidly  enlightened , and  they 
will  become  of  courfe  better  * 

Of  what  ufe  is  knowledge,  if  the  mind  is  in  fubje&ion, 
if  the  thoughts  are  inflaved  ? Do  we  not  know  that  ilavery 
prefles  down  the  faculty  of  thinking  in  molt  men  ? Do  we 
not  know  that  thofe  who  refill  this  preffure,  fhould  forbid 
themfelves  the  ufe  of  their  ideas,  fhould  confine  them  with- 
in themfelves,  if  they  are  not  willing  to  expofe  themfelves 
to  perfecution  ? Do  we  not  perceive,  that  in  fuch  a con- 
dition political  truths  mud  be  confined  to  a fmall  circle  of 
men  ? Independently  of  the  timidity  or  the  infufficicncy 
of  this  fmall  number  of  men,  mifery,  the  infcparable  com- 
panion of  dcfpotifm  and  ignorance,  mifery  abforbs  all  the 
time,  all  the  ftrength,  all  the  ideas  of  mankind,  and  leaves 
them  neither  abilities,  nor  leifure  to  acquire  information. 
General  knowledge,  that  which  tends  to  the  public  hap- 
pinefs,  is  then  doubly  incompatible  with  the  fpirit  of 
Ilavery. — To  propofe  to  difperfe  it  by  keeping  men  in 
chains,  is  to  be  willing  to  enlighten  them  by  depriving 
them  of  their  eye  fight,  is  to  be  willing  to  procreate  by 
abortions. 

If  I infift  here,  gentlemen,  upon  this  idea,  it  is  be- 
caufe  it  is  a fatal  prejudice  which  is  acceded  to  by  the  ad- 
vocates of  defpotifm  ; they  feek  to  juftify  it  ; they  at- 
tempt to  comfort  men  in  its  affliftions  ; they  pretend  that 
reafon  can  unfold  itfelf  in  the  middle  of  Ilavery. — I do 
not  here  fpeak  of  the  agreeable  arts,  or  of  the  art  of  elo- 
quence ; they  may  lhine  under  a defpotic  government. 
But  is  it  the  fame  with  the  fciences,  with  politics,  or  mo- 
rality ? I will  allow  that  fome  fparks  will  efcape  from  the 
profundity  of  the  darknefs  of  defpotifm  ; I will  allow  that 
from  time  to  time  men  of  genius  come  forward,  beating 
off  their  chains,  who  teach  the  greateft  truths  to  fouls  who 
have  no  fpring  within  them,  who  fometimes  admire  them, 
oftencr  aid  to  perfecute  them,  and  never  imitate  them. 
But  of  what  ufe  are  thefe  lights  of  reafon  in  a few  indivi- 
duals ? It  is  fometimes  to  make  them  better,  more  often 

* It  is  obferved  by  the  celebrated  Dr.  Johnfon,  in  the  Rambler,  that 
Ilavery  has  been  thought  a condition  fo  unfavourable  to  virtue,  that  in 
feme  languages  a Have  and  a thief  are  exprelfed  by  the  fame  word. 

Translator. 

to 


An  ORATION. 


14-4 

to  fatisfy  their  vanity,  but  never  to  inform  the  body  of  a 
nation.  To  inform,  there  mud  be  attention  ; attention 
requires  time,  abilities,  intered : — liberty  alone  can  give 
thefe  three  things. 

Thus,  if  we  are  ferioully  inclined  to  inform  mankind, 
and  to  better  their  focial  and  individual  date,  we  lhould 
not  confine  ourfelves  to  giving  them  books  or  academies  ; 
vve  lhould  unfetter  their  hands.  To  repeat  it  again  ; if 
you  make  man  free,  he  will  gain  information,  he  will  be- 
come virtuous  a thoufand  times  more  eafily,  more  quickly, 
than  by  giving  him  the  bed  books,  and  forcing  him  to  con- 
tinue a Have.  How,  in  reality,  can  he  hold  books  in  any 
efteem,  when  he  fees  that  the  men  who  extol  them,  violate 
the  firft  of  truths,  All  men  are  born  free  ? Is  it  not  natural 
for  him  to  think,  that  they  play  upon  him  by  the  vileft  hy- 
pocrify  ? And  thus,  if  in  thefe  circumdances  he  can  ac- 
quire any  knowledge,  is  it  not  that  of  being  able  to  render 
roguery  for  roguery  ? 

We  lhould  not  exhauft  it  if  we  were  willing  to  fearch 
this  matter  to  the  bottom,  if  we  were  willing  to  demon- 
ftrate  completely  that  there  is  but  one  way  to  elevate  man, 
and  all  men  at  once,  and  to  advance  the  mafs  of  public 
happinefs — liberty. — When  you  give  it  to  the  Negroes, 
ceafe  to  be  afraid  of  them  ; when  they  become  our  bre- 
thren, they  will  foon  acquire  information,  will  foon  become 
virtuous,  and,  what  is  perhaps  dill  more  difficult,  the  maf- 
ters  themfelves  will  be  forced  to  acquire  information,  and 
become  virtuous ; for  flavery  is  an  infallible  method  to  cor- 
rupt two  at  once,  the  mailer  and  the  flave. 

The  other  motives  which  have  retarded  the  reflitution  of 
the  liberty  of  the  Negroes  in  the  fouthern  dates,  are  not  bet- 
ter than  thofe  which  I have  already  difcuded  ; I exerted  my- 
felf  too  much  in  attempting  to  fathom  them.  Referving  this 
difcuffion  to  another  time,  I lhall  confine  myfelf  to  obferve 
to  you,  that  three  of  the  fouthern  dates  of  America,  until  the 
final  decifion  which  lhall  forever  abolilh  llavery,  have  pre- 
vented the  further  importation  of  Haves,  one  for  three  years, 
and  two  forever. — There  are  only  two  of  thefe  dates  which 
r>ow  differ  the  importation  of  Negroes  ; and  as  reafon 
ought  always  to  be  advancing  towards  perfection  in  this 
pappy  continent,  as  all  prejudices  ought  fenfibly  to  dimi- 


An  ORATION. 


*45 

nifti,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that,  before  the  expiration  of  many 
years,  no  one  of  the  United  States  will  be  dilhonoured 
with  this  ftain  of  inhumanity. 

Such  is  the  fpirit  of  a fett,  of  which  morality  is  the  re- 
ligion, and  charity  and  benevolence  the  principal  dogmas ; 
it  cannot  reft  without  occupying  itfelf  every  moment  in 
doing  good,  without  extending  it  to  all  men.  Scarcely 
had  the  Quakers  confummated'the  work  of  humanity,  un- 
dertaken by  them  in  America,  than  their  brethren  in  Eng- 
land attempted  to  render  the  fame  juftice  to  the  Blacks  in 
the  Englifti  colonies. 

Prejudices  here  were  more  difficult  to  conquer.  The 
planters  have  inceffantly  rrepeated  for  two  centuries,  that  no 
i'ugar  can  be  obtained  without  Healing  annually  millions  of 
men  from  the  coaft  of  Africa.  They  continue  to  repeat 
that  the  Sugar-Iffands  are  the  chief  foundation  of  the 
riches  of  Great-Britain  : it  is  a double  error.  The  Qua- 
kers have  confined  themfelves  to  overturning  the  firft,  and 
to  maintaining  that  fugar  can  be  obtained,  without  exer- 
cifing  the  profeffion  of  a robber  and  a murderer. 

They  at  firft  treated  them  as  fools.  From  the  time  of 
George  Fox,  who  was  a thoufand  times  biffed,  dragged  in 
the  dirt  by  the  prieftsof  his  age,  whofe  frauds  * and  whofe 
vices  he  expofed, — to  Benezet,  who  preached  liberty  to  all 
men  ; fuch  has  been  the  condition  of  the  Quakers  who 
have  been  willing  to  do  good. — They  perfecuted  them 
with  ridicule;  but  the  Quakers,  like  all  men,  who  are  re- 
ligious or  moral,  or  profoundly  convinced  of  great  and  ufe- 
ful  truths,  have  been  infenfiblc  to  injuries. — They  faid. 
Ridicule,  but  hear  us.  By  the  power  of  preaching  they 
have  drawn  to  their  party,  grave,  thinking,  good  men,  and 
the  people  have  followed,  and  the  railers  have  been  fi- 
lenced. 


* It  would  be  glorious  to  fee  fomewhat  more  of  this  fpirit  rife  up  in 
France.  It  is  a found  truth,  that  every  man  fhould  he  his  own  prieft. 
Paul,  in  his  epiftle  to  the  Hebrews  fays,  that  the  minifters  of  the  gof- 
pcl  fhould  not  receive  tithes.  They  are  robbers  for  taking  them. 
It  is  falfely  and  wickedly  done,  in  imitation  of  the  Levitical  priefihood. 
He  fays,  “ For  it  is  evident  that  our  Lord  fprang  out  of  Judah,  of 
“ which  tribe  Mofes  Ipake  nothing  concerning  priefthood.”  Hebrew* 
vii.  14.  The  Translator. 

The 


An  ORATION. 


146 

The  effect  of  this  revolution  * has  been  rapid  and  ge- 
neral, and  it  is  a benefit  which  we  owe  to  the  revolution 
that  formed  the  United  States.  It  has  impretled  upon  the 
minds  of  mod  men  a refpefl  truly  t religious  for  the  caufe 
o{  liberty  ; it  has  impreffed  upon  them  an  averfion,  a hor- 
ror for  all  tyrannical  proceedings,  under  whatever  fhape 

* Juflice  obliges  us  to  fay  that  the  Quakers  are  not  the  only  people 
who  have  contributed  in  the  beginning  of  it,  by  their  example,  to  this 
revolution.  The  Moravian  Brethren,  flill  called  Hernhuters,  or  Bre- 
thren of  the  Union,  have  never  received  a Negro  whom  they  have  not 
liberated.  They  have  always  regarded  flavery  as  a violation  of  human 
and  divine  laws,  and,  in  their  numerous  miflions,  which  have  always 
been  fupported  by  frugality,  by  the  work  of  their  hands,  and  by  the  prac- 
tice of  all  the  ufeful  virtues,  they  have  not  failed  to  reclaim  the  rights 
of  mankind  from  each  other.  The  Moravians  have  imprefTed  upon  the 
minds  of  all  men  fuch  a favourable  opinion  of  their  peaceable  manners 
and  exemplary  condudl,  that  the  American  Congrefs  encourages  their 
eflablifhment  among  the  favages,  as  a certain  method  to  civilize  them, 
and  to  allure  them  to  peace.  Thofc  governments,  which,  like  the  Con- 
grefs, fhould  welcome  thefe  fedts  among  them,  would  find  the  happy 
effedts  of  it  : they  neither  fuffer  fanaticifm,  falfe  devotion,  nor  ridicu- 
lous vanity.  No  individual,  if  he  is  not  fick,  is  admitted  into  their  fra- 
ternity any  longer  than  he  manifefts  a love  of  order  and  induflry,  and  is 
not  defirous  of  living  at  the  expence  of  others. 


1 cannot  forbear  adding  my  teftimony,  in  favour  of  the  Moravians, 
who  have  been  a living  witnefs  to  the  beneficial  effedls  of  their  preach- 
ing in  fome  of  the  Wefl-India  iflands.  In  the  Danifh  iflands  of  St.  Croix 
and  St.  Thomas  they  have  made  a confiderable  progrefs.  In  the  latter 
they  have  a pretty  fettlement  near  the  town.  In  the  Englilh  ifland  of 
Antigua  I have  often  perceived  the  good  fruits  of  their  labours.  Their 
method  of  inflrudling  the  Negroes  is  a very  happy  one.  They  forbear 
to  puzzle  them  at  firft  with  the  abftrufe  and  myfterious  parts  of  religion, 
but  teach  them  in  plain  language  the  Ample  and  ufeful  dodtrines  of  our 
Saviour.  The  emprefs  of  Rufiia  has  wifely  given  them  permiflion  to 
propagate  their  dodlrincs  over  all  her  extenfive  empire.  They  have 
made,  according  to  Mr.  Tooke,  a fettlement  of  fome  importance,  at  a 
place  in  the  Ruffian  Dominions,  which  they  call  Sarepta.  It  is  worth 
the  while  to  look  into  Crantz’s  Hiflory  of  the  Brethren,  for  an  account 
of  this  valuable  fed!:  of  Chriftians.  I am  not  a Quaker  nor  a Moravian, 
but  an  Univerfalift,  yet  I conceive  that  thefe  two  fedls  have  manifefled 
a confiderable  ffiare  of  the  true  Chriflian  fpirit. 

The  Translator. 

f A Chriftian  fhould  be  a patriot.  Our  Saviour  fays,  “ Neither  be 
“ ye  called  mailers  ; for  one  is  your  Mailer,  even  Chrifl.”  Matthew 
xxiii.  10.  The  Translator. 

they 


An  ORATION, 


*47 


they  are  difguifed,  and  whoever  are  the  individuals  that 
opprefs.  In  every  part  of  Great-Britain,  then,  they  have 
praifed  and  adopted  the  project  of  abolilhing  the  trade  and 
ilavery  of  the  Negroes.  A fociety  is  formed  for  this  pnr- 
pofe  ; becanfe  the  unconne&ed  efforts  of  reafon,  will  of- 
ten be  too  weak  to  conquer  the  powerful  efforts  of  inte- 
reft. — The  moil  confiderable  cities,  the  capital  of  Eng- 
land itfelf,  have  prefented  petitions  to  parliament  in  fup- 
port  of  this  projedl — It  muft  there  be  fecondcd  by  the  elo- 
quence of  the  moll  celebrated  members.  The  Blacks  at 
laft,  then,  like  the  Indians,  have  found  defenders,  and 
more  happy  than  the  Indians,  among  all  ranks,  among 
all  fedls,  * even  among  merchants  theinfelves. — There  is 
but  one  voice,  one  clamor  in  the  Englilh  nation. — So  ea- 
fy  is  it  to  roufe  among  a free  people,  the  fentiments  of  juf- 
tice  and  humanity,  which  fhould  never  be  extinguifhed  ; 
fo  eafy  is  it  to  roufe  them  among  men,  to  whom  the  form 
of  their  government  gives  a habit  of  refleflion. 

The  voice  of  the  planters  theinfelves  grows  weaker  and 
weaker,  and  can  we  be  furprifed  at  it  r When  avarice, 
deprived  of  the  perifhable  maxims  of  defpotifm,  is  forced, 
that  (he  may  juffify  herfelf,  to  borrow  thofe  of  humanity, 
can  (lie  long  maintain  her  pretenfions  ? Such  is  at  pre- 
fent  the  condition  of  the  planters,  reduced  to  maintain 
this  defpicable  fophifm,  that  the  flavery  of  the  Negroes  is 
an  a£t  of  benevolence  towards  them  ; they  perceive  this 
forry  argument  expire  under  their  lips  ; they  perceive 
themfelvcs  the  general  horror  that  their  fanguinary  title  to 
property  infpires. 

Since  this  caufe  excites  fo  general  a concern,  fince  the 
miniffer  himfelf  appears  difpofed  to  embrace  it,  we  Ihould 
not  doubt  that  it  will  fucceed,  and  that  England,  by  firft 

* The  Difienters  have  prefented  a petition  : the  celebrated  PriefHcy 
has  preached  a fermon  upon  the  fibjedt.  The  high  clergy  themfelvcs 
have  rifen  up  againft  the  Negro-Trade.  Mr.  Granville  Sharp,  the  pre- 
fidcnt  of  the  fociety  which  purfucs  the  abolition  of  it,  is  one  of  thofe  va- 
luable men,  who  feem  horn  for  the  deftrudtion  of  atufes.  Mr.  Sharp, 
for  twenty  years  has  oppofed  by  his  writings,  before  the  public,  and  in 
the  courts  of  judicature,  the  trade  and  flavery  of  the  Negroes.  And 
his  efforts  arc  now  vigoroufly  fcconded  by  Mr.  Clarlrfon,  ivhofc  new 
work  upon  the  impolicy  of  the  Slave-Trade,  will  undoubtedly  give  the 
ieath-flroke  to  this  diabolical  traffic. 

u 


prohibiting 


148 


An  ORATION. 


prohibiting  the  trade  of  the  Blacks,  and  afterwards  by  li- 
berating them,  will  give  to  Europe  the  firft,  the  great 
example  of  a nation  which  renounces  an  oppreflion  tjiat 
has  the  appearance  of  being  profitable  ; an  example  that 
will  prove  the  flrcngth  of  the  influence  of  liberty  to  make 
men  better. 

In  the  middle  of  this  fermentation  which  agitates  all 
minds  in  Great-Britain,  (hall  the  men  of  integrity,  of  in- 
formation, who  live  in  France,  remain  in  inadtion  ? Will 
they  confine  themfelves  to  with  for  the  fuccefs  of  the  bill 
which  is  to  better  the  condition  of  the  Blacks  in  Jamaica  ? 
Should  they  not  defire  to  profit  by  this  agitation  of  the 
minds  of  men,  to  procure  the  rellitution  of  their  rights  to 
the  Negroes  in  the  colonies  ? 

The  London  Society  were  right  to  imagine  that  they 
would  find  in  France  an  energetic  cooperation  with  their 
views  ; we  dare  anfvver  for  it,  that  their  hope  will  not  be 
difappointed. — They  have  addreffed  themfelves  to  us,  to 
difperfe  the  books  which  they  have  caufed  to  be  printed 

and  publifhed  in  England,  for  the  public  indrnction. 

They  are  willing  to  fee  a fociety,  fimilar  to  their  own, 
formed  in  every  date,  that  has  any  connection  with  coun- 
tries cultivated  by  Haves. 

Too  judicious  to  accufe  the  various  governments  of  this 
barbarous  flavery,  they  are  willing,  that  power,  every 
where  informed  upon  this  fubjedl,  fhould  every  where  be 
invited  to  do  what  they  requeft  of  the  Englilh  parliament. 

We  have  given  an  account  in  the  public  papers  * of 
their  intentions  ; well-perfuaded  of  our  own  infufficiency, 
well-perfuaded  at  the  fame  time,  like  the  committee  at 
London,  that  we  cannot  fucceed,  notwithftanding  the  bed 
publications,  without  the  inceflant  activity  of  a fociety 
condantly  occupied  on  this  fubjedl,  we  have  thought  it 
our  duty  to  lay  before  you  the  requellof  the  Englilh  Socie- 
ty, and  to  invite  you  to  coniider  how  we  may  fulfil  the 
intentions,  which  feem  to  us  to  merit  the  particular  ap- 
probation of  our  country,  and  of  government. 


* An  analyfis  of  the  Englilh  papers,  an  interefting  journal,  printed 
at  Paris,  in  which  authors  may  be  allured  of  a place  for  all  that  they 
publiih  on  this  lubjecf. 


In 


An  ORATION. 


i 49 

In  effect,  independently  of  the  preponderating  motive 
of  humanity,  national  intereft,  the  intereft  of  government, 
the  intereft  of  the  French  planters  themfelves,  all  com- 
mand of  true  patriots,  to  give  their  attention  and  their  ef- 
forts towards  this  revolution. 

Such  is  the  intimate  relation  which  connects  England 
and  France  together,  that  what  paffes  in  one  country 
cannot  be  unknown  in  the  other  ; that  a great  revolution 
in  one,  produces  its  counterpart  in  the  other.  But  in, 
revolutions  of  this  nature,  we  fhould  mod  certainly  in- 
clude the  future  emancipation  of  the  Blacks  in  the  fugar- 
i flands.  They  who  know  how  to  calculate  effedls,  will 
fee  that  this  revolution  mud  have  the  greateft  influence 
upon  the  French  colonies  ; that  it  may  ruin  them,  if  they 
oppofe  this  example  ; that  it  may  enrich  them,  if  they 
follow  it.  This  double  effeft  mud  be  the  infallible  con- 
fequence  of  a demondration,  from  experience,  that  a free- 
man cultivates  the  earth  better  than  a Have.  A free  go- 
vernment caufes  plenty  ; but,  the  more  plenty  there  is, 
the  more  the  planter  fells,  the  more  the  exchequer  re- 
ceives, the  more  a competition  is  avoided  by  cheap  fales, 
the  confequence  of  plenty  ; and  the  more,  of  courfe,  the 

commerce  of  the  rival  nations  to  England  is  endhed. 

There  is  no  occadon  to  ponder  in  this  cafe ; if  this  max- 
im concerning  cultivation  is  true,  even  in  regard  to  the 
fugar-cane,  as  experience  proves  *,  if  England,  abjuring  the 
old  fyftem,  conforms  to  this,  France  ought  to  put  it  in 


* The  London  Society  have  collected  a number  of  l'a<5ts  and  calcula- 
tions which  prove  it ; but  there  is  one  which  is  decifive,  and  which  they 
indifpenfably  never  will  relinquifh.  I have  taken  it  from  a manufeript 
note  of  the  excellent  patriot  Mr.  Poivre.  Travelling  in  17 jo,  in  Co- 
chin-China, where  the  fugar-cane  is  generally  cultivated,  he  was  con- 
vinced that  the  work  of  a freeman,  even  in  the  production  of  fugar, 
yielded  more  than  the  work  of  a flave.  Mr.  Poivre  calculated  that 
from  a fingle  port  in  this  kingdom,  from  that  of  Faifo,  they  exported 
in  1749,  00, 000  pounds  weight  of  fugar,  which  was  defigned  for 

China  and  the  Indian  Archipelago.  Befides  this  enormous  exportation, 
the  internal  confumption  of  fugar  is  immenfe.  The  Cochin-Chincfe 
perfuaded  that  it  is  a wholefome  nourifhment,  mingle  it  with  all  their 
food,  and  fatten  all  their  hearts  with  the  cane,  elephants,  oxen,  horfes,  &c. 

This  fadt  ought  to  overturn  that  fingle  objedlion  of  the  planters,  which 
caufed  doubts  in  the  minds  of  fome  who  were  not  willing  to  confine 
themfelves  to  reafonings,  but  wi Hied  for  fadls. 


execution, 


150 


An  ORATION. 


execution,  and  perhaps  to  go  before  in  the  matter,  if  fhe 
is  willing  to  preferve  her  colonies;  and  in  this  cafe  it  is 
the  duty  of  the  French  patriots  to  obferve  the  motions, 
and  to  ftudy  the  proceedings  of  England.  A noble  Itudy, 
without  doubt,  lince  war  would  not  be  the  refult  of  it, 
but  the  welfare  of  millions  of  unhappy  people. 

We  lhould  moreover  recoiled!  that  the  Englifh  nation  is 
great  in  its  conceptions,  that  in  its  commercial  fpecula- 
tions  it  embraces  the  whole  globe. 

Her  forefight  (hews  her  that  the  flavcry  of  the  Negroes 
is  tending  to  an  end  : it  is  an  evil  which  is  now  fubmit- 
ted  to  conluleration  for  a remedy.  If  there  had  been  but 
one  of  the  United  States  that  had  emancipated  the  Ne- 
groes, this  aft  ot  enlightened  benevolence  mud  have  fpread 
further.  They  mud  prove  that  the  human  race  is  enter- 
ing precipitately  into  the  ages  of  ignorance,  who  would 
perfuade  themfelves,  that  the  flavery  of  the  Blacks  will 
not  foon  be  entirely  abolifhed. 

Tohaden  revolutions  of  this  nature,  when  we  forefee 
them,  is  to  diredl  the  confequences  of  them  ; it  is  to  be 
able  to  turn  them  to  our  advantage. 

There  is  one,  for  example,  that  policy  can  foretell. 
The  Negro-Trade  carries  along  with  it  the  horrible  con- 
dition or  a war,  that  depopulates  and  defolates  Africa: 
let  the  trade  ceafe  (and  why  lhould  it  not  ceafe,  if  the  Eu- 
ropeans wilh  for  no  more  (laves  ?)  let  the  trade  cealc,  and 
the  war  between  the  African  nations  will  lofe  their  mod 
powerful  incentive. 

Then  will  open  with  more  facility  countries  which  have 
been  hitherto  barred  from  commerce ; then  the  circle 
of  European  adlivity  will  extend  itfelf,  which,  fearing 
for  a long  time  to  proceed  to  thofe  limits  which  it  has  at- 
tained, maintained  the  perpetual  feeds  of  difeord,  to  pre- 
ferve  by  its  indudry  the  fources  of,  and  the  market  for  its 
trade. 

Do  not  let  us  doubt  if  the  Engl i(h  adopt  the  emancipa- 
tion of  the  Negroes,  that  they  confider  their  intered  ; do 
not  let  us  doubt,  that  in  making  the  facrince  of  a trade 
which  employs  fo  great  a number  of  their  veffels  and  their 
feamen,  they  will  find  a new  trade  capable  of  compen- 
fating  them  for  that  which  they  will  lofc  ; do  not  let  us 

doubt. 


< 


An  ORATION. 


I5I 

doubt,  that  they  have  forcfeen  that  their  commerce,,  pene- 
trating into  the  interior  parts  of  Africa,  would  there  en- 
large itfelf,  would  there  create  produftions,  the  articles  of 
a new  exchange  *,  as  foon  as  the  llave-trade  there  excit- 
ing  a general  horror,  would  prefent  more  difficulties  and 
lefs  advantages  ; do  not  let  us  doubt,  in  fhort,  that  this 
commercial  people  are  careful  to  abridge,  and  even  to 
avoid  the  ruinous  languor  which  the  operations  of  com- 
merce feel,  in  revolutions  which  fuddenly  deftroy  a great 
work,  a great  dtablifhment. 

This  calculation  of  forefight  is  in  the  natural  order  of 
things;  France  lhould  make  it.  If  France  expiating  at 
Lift  its  errors,  its  pad  enormities,  is  willing  to  become  the 
peace-maker  to  Africa,  why  lhould  die  not  join  hands 
with  England,  in  anenterprife  that  is  honourable  and  ufe- 
ful  to  both  countries  ? t You  would  render  then,  Gentle- 
men, a true  fervice  to  your  country,  by  contributing  to 
the  fuccefs  of  this  enterprize,  with  the  Society  of  London, 
by  following  the  fociety  in  its  proceedings  and  in  its  la- 
bors. 

It  is  of  importance  to  give  you  a detail  here  of  thefe 
proceedings  and  of  thefe  labors. 

The  Society  of  London  have  a committee,  whofe  ob- 
ject is  to  receive  fubferiptions,  to  maintain  the  numerous 
correfpondencies  w Inch  they  have  in  all  parts  of  the  world, 
to  make  all  the  neceffiary  enquiries  to  throw  light  upon  this 
matter,  to  underftand  the  true  condition  of  the  Blacks,  in 
Africa,  or  in  the  illands,  to  anfwer  to  all  the  objections 


* To  anfwer  to  one  of  the  mod  fpccious  objections  made  by  the  F.ng- 
lifh  planters,  the  want  of  employ  of  the  vuffels  aunually  occupied  to 
transport  more  than  100,000  Haves,  the  Society  of  London  have  pro- 
cured fpecimens  of  divers  productions  of  Africa,  nec.tflavy  to  the  Eng- 
lifh  manufactures,  which  would  create  a commerce  of  exchange,  employ 
a marine,  &c. 

f It  would  be  eafy  fome  day  to  demonstrate  that  France  has  not  fo 
many  obstacles  to  combat  as  England  in  the  abolition  of  f!  a very  in  the 
colonics.  Becaufe,  for  example,  the  o!  jet  ion  of  the  diminution  of  the 
employ  of  the  marine  is  aimed  nothing  .u  regard  to  France.  The  French 
trade  is  in  a very  languifhing  condition ; ;;  is  fupportcci  v ith  difficulty 
notwithftandiv.g  the  favors  and  the  premiums  w ith  which  it  is  loaded 
by  government.  In  this  point  of  view,  the  intereft  of  the  revenue  ind 
pf  the  nation  will  be  favored  by  this  operation. 


of 


152 


An  ORATION. 


of  the  planters,  or  of  government.  Their  object  alfo  is 
to  make  the  neceflary  advances  to  the  minifter,  and  the 
members  of  parliament,  to  procure  the  fuccefs  of  the  bill 
of  emancipation. 

II  you  determine  upon  founding  a fociety  like  that  of 
London,  it  will  be  expedient  to  fix  the  fum  fora  fubfcrip- 
tion,  which  will  give  the  right  to  be  a member;  and  the 
produce  of  thefe  fubfcriptions  will  defray  the  neceflfary  ex- 
pences  of  the  various  bufinefs  in  which  the  fociety  will 
engage.  Becaufe  we  mud  not  disenable,  that  notwith- 
ftanding  the  generous  zeal  which  will  induce  many  en- 
lightened men  to  cooperate  to  the  fuccefs  of  this  enter- 
prife,  it  will  be  impofiible  to  fupport  it  for  a long  time, 
without  the  constant  aid  of  a pecuniary  fubfeription. 

The  fociety  fihould  nominate  a committee  to  refolve 
upon  particular  matters  and  to  put  them  in  execution  ; 
they  will  be  of  different  kinds. 

At  firfl:  the  London  Society  fent  us  almofl  all  the  works 
that  were  publifhed  in  Englifh  upon  this  fubjedl.  A part 
of  them  are  already  tranflatcd,  fuch  as  the  works  of  Bene- 
zet,  Clarkfon,  Ramfay,  &c. 

It  concerns  us  to  accelerate  the  publication  of  them. 
The  fubjedt  there  is  confidered  in  every  view : thefe  works 
may  then  begin  to  diflipate  the  vulgar  prejudices  againfl 
the  emancipation  of  the  negroes.  Moreover  the  number 
of  the  pamphlets  augmenting  daily,  and  all  of  them  yield- 
ing either  interefling  fadls,  or  important  reflections,  we 
fhould  lofe  none  of  them,  and  nevcrthelefs  not  fuffer  our- 
felves  to  be  burthened  by  an  abundance,  which  coming 
ail  at  once,  might  frighten  a public,  which  does  not  fa- 
miliarife  itfelf  but  after  fome  time  to  ferious  difeuflions. — 
The  printing  of  all  thefe  tranflations  fhould  then  be  one 
of  the  firfl  objedts  upon  which  the  committee  ought  to  fix 
its  attention. 

We  fhould  not  confine  ourfclves  to  the  publication  of 
Englifh  works.  There  are  fome  valuable,  but  forgotten 
ones,  in  France — we  fhould  learch  them  out,  examine, 
give  an  account  of  them,  and  determine  if  it  will  be  ne- 
ceffary  to  publifh  them  again.  There  are  fome,  without 
doubt,  in  this  number,  that  we  muff  difeard  ; but  in  re- 
jecting them  on  account  of  their  W'cakncfs,  the  fociety  will 

certainly 


An  ORATION. 


*53 


certainly  not  imitate  the  injuftice  of  thofe  who  give  them 
to  ridicule,  by  treating  them  as  declamations ; let  us  be  fi- 
lent  on  the  want  of  talents.  Is  not  the  want  of  talents 
compenfated  by  a laudable  intention  r 

We  might  reproach  the  fociety,  either  with  weaknefs 
in  the  caufe,  or  with  want  of  candor,  if  they  confined 
their  enquiries  to  works  publifhed  in  favor  of  the  caufe  of 
Negroes  : it  is  neceffary  to  attend  to  the  writings  againfl. 
For,  to  the  difhonor  of  the  human  fpecies,  there  have  ex- 
ited, even  in  our  own  nation,  men  fo  prejudiced,  or  lb 
barbarous  as  to  juftify  the  cruelties  of  negro-llavery.  We 
fhould  read  attentively  their  writings,  collect  all  their  ob- 
jections, in  order  that  we  may  leave  none  unanfwered. 

The  fociety  of  London,  full  of  the  fpirit  which  has  al- 
ways animated  the  Quakers,  and  willing  to  facilitate  the 
propagation  of  knowledge,  by  facilitating  the  purchafe  of 
books  which  they  publifh,  always  fell  them  at  the  lowed 
price  poflible.  Their  example  will  deferve  to  be  follow- 
ed ; and  when  the  (ociety  (hall  be  confolidated,  they  fhould, 
like  the  fociety  of  London,  devote  a part  of  the  fubfcrip- 
tion-money  to  facilitate  the  purchafe  of  books  to  that  clafs 
of  citizens  who  are  defirous  of  information,  and  whom 
the  mediocrity  of  their  circumftances  caufes  to  fear  the  ex- 
pence. 

The  committee  of  London  pay  confiderable  fums  for 
the  infertion  of  advertifements,  of  their  reports  and  tranf- 
aftions  in  the  public  papers.  Happily  there  will  be  no 
occafion  for  a fimilar  expence  in  France.  The  journals 
here  are  not  fubject  to  any  tax  ; but  the  fociety  fhould 
take  meafures  with  the  editors  of  all  the  Gazettes  and  the 
Journals,  to  infert  the  particulars  of  the  caufe  of  the  Ne- 
groes, the  events  that  the  difcullion  will  introduce,  the  di- 
vers refolutions  of  the  committee  of  London,  of  the  cities 
of  England,  and  of  the  focieties  of  France,  if"  the  example 
of  England  is  followed  here. 

We  will  hope  that  a generous  concurrence  will  prevail 
among  the  French  Journal  ills  to  aflift  the  fociety.  The 
unhappy  have  a right  to  this  publication,  as  it  is  at  this 
time  one  of  the  mod  powerful  means 'of  fuccounng  them  ; 
and  the  writer  who  fhould  deprive  the  Blacks  of  this  mean, 

let 


iS+ 


An  ORATION. 


let  us  fay  rather,  of  this  right,  would  deferve  to  be  dif- 
graced  as  the  accomplice  of  their  tyrants. 

To  he  informed  fucceflively  of  all  that  palfes  in  England, 
relative  to  this  caufe,  the  fociety  ihould  maintain  a con- 
ftant  correfpondence  with  the  committee,  Ihould  depofite 
in  regifters,  their  letters,  their  refolutions,  before  they  give 
them  to  the  prefs.  They  fhould  equally  take  part  with 
the  committee  of  London,  in  all  the  documents  which 
they  lhall  procure,  in  all  the  works  which  they  fhall 
publilh,  and  in  all  the  fteps  which  they  lhall  take  to- 
wards the  fuccefs  of  this  caufe.  By  this  double  corref- 
pondence, the  knowledge  of  both  countries  will  become 
common,  alinofl  at  the  fame  inllant ; their  labors  will 
be  diminilhed,  and  blind  avarice,  purfued  in  the  fame 
ftroke  by  them  both,  will  lofe  perhaps  at  once  its  in- 
fluence. 

This  communication  becomes  fo  much  more  necef- 
fary,  as  the  emancipation  of  the  Negroes  being  proper- 
ly but  fuccellive  and  in  fubordination  to  attempts  and 
precautions,  the  experience  of  one  country  will  be  an 
ufeful  leflon  to  the  other. 

Independently  of  thefe  objects  to  which  the  French 
fociety  ihould  devote  themfelves,  there  is  one  peculiar  to 
France,  which  patriotifm  obliges  her  particularly  to  con- 
lider.  They  Ihould  make  enquiries  concerning  the  con- 
dition of  the  Negroes  in  the  iflands,  coucerning  the  treat- 
ment which  they  there  experience,  concerning  th?  report 
whether  they  increafe  ordiminilh,  concerning  the  number 
of  annual  recruits,  neceflary  to  fupport  the  labor  and 
the  annual  produce,  concerning  the  manner  in  which 
this  fupply  is  made,  concerning  the  Negroes  that  arc  im- 
ported in  a contraband  manner,  concerning  the  conditi- 
on and  the  manners  of  the  runaway  or  maron  Ne- 
groes, concerning  the  number  of  veifels  that  the  French 
employ  in  this  trade,  concerning  the  number  of  feameq 
that  the  trade  annually  deltroys.  They  Ihould  enquire 
alfo  what  will  be  the  influence  of  the  Englilh  act  of  par- 
liament, which  prohibits  the  Negro  trade,  and  liberates 
the  Englilh  Haves,  upon  the  importation  and  the  produce 
of  the  induftry  of  the  Negroes  in  the  French  iflands.  This 
part  of  the  labors  of  the  fociety  Ihould  excite  the  great- 


An  ORATION. 


1 55 


eft  concern  in  all  French  patriots.  The  committee,  which 
undertakes  this  difficult  and  important  tafk,  may  then  hope 
that  their  labours  will  be  patronifed  and  encouraged  by  the 
French  minifter.  A committee  may  (imply  effect  to  con- 
vince the  nation  that  the  produdlions  of  our  iflands  would 
be  larger  under  the  influence  of  liberty,  and  of  confequence, 
therefore,  that  it  will  lofe  nothing  in  the  emancipation  of 
the  Blacks,  and  the  prohibition  of  all  further  importation 
from  Africa. 

Will  they  not  objedt  to  us,  that  a fimilar  fociety  is  ufe- 
lefs  in  France  ; that  there  the  condition  of  the  Negroes 
depends  upon  the  minifter ; that,  without  this  fociety,  he 
can  procure  the  knowledge  that  is  necclfary  for  his  fatis- 
fadtion  ? 

Alas ! who  will  give  it  him  ? The  planters  ? — Their 
cuftoms,  their  prejudices,  the  fear  of  injuring  their  interefts, 
which  they  miftake,  arm  them  againft  the  truth  ; while  the 
fociety  will  have  no  other  intereft  than  that  of  humanity, 
than  that  of  the  public  good.  The  prejudices  of  the  plan- 
ters may  miflcad  the  government,  if  they  have  no  one  to 
contradidt  them,  and  the  fociety  can  never  defire  to  de- 
ceive.— They  will  be  at  onetime  the  defenders  of  the  Ne- 
groes, of  the  national  intereft,  of  the  intereft  nf  the  reve- 
nue, of  the  intereft  of  the  planters  themfelves ; becaufe 
they  fhould  fearch  out  the  means  of  reconciling  thercfpedl 
for  their  property,  with  that  which  is  due  to  humanity. — 
Suppofe,  in  ffiort,  an  impartial  planter,  of  good  credit, 
ready  to  communicate  his  information  ; we  certainly  fhould 
not  rejedt  it  ; but  what  will  it  be  in  comparifon  to  the  in- 
formation which  the  fociety  may  colledt  ? He  is  fingle  ; 
they  will  be  numerous  : his  information  will  be  confined 
to  his  plantation  ; that  of  the  fociety  will  be  univerfal  : 
the  zeal  of  fuch  a planter  may  relax  ; that  of  the  fociety 
will  be  conftant  and  indefatigable. 

Can  the  minifter  expedt  to  be  informed  by  the  Negro- 
Merchants  ? But  it  is  exadlly  in  this  clafs  of  men  that  the 
unhappy  prejudice,  which  confounds  the  Blacks  with 
beads  of  burthen,  is  found  to  be  mod  deeply  rooted.  Does 
not  the  manner  in  which  thefe  traffickers  in  human  flefti 
buy,  tranfport  and  fell  their  fellow-men,  declare  the  mod 
*<*>mplete  forgetfulnefs  of  the  rank  that  thefe  unhappy 

X Blacks 


i56 


An  ORATION. 


Blacks  hold  in  the  order  of  human  beings  ? And  does  not 
this  crime  render  them  guilty  in  the  caufe  of  their  vi&ims  ? 

In  lhort,  will  they  not  fay,  that  there  are  in  .this  capi- 
tal, and  in  the  provinces,  men  fincerely  animated  with  a 
public  fpirit,  fully  capable  to  occupy  themfelves,  and  to 
give  documents,  about  this  matter  r But  thefe  men  are 
unconnected  : all  their  efforts  will  be  vain.  They  will 
addrefs  memorials  to  the  minifter ; but  almoft  always  thefe 
memorials  remain  buried  in  the  duft  of  the  offices. — Da 
they  publifh  their  ideas  ? Do  they  come  to  eleCtrify  the 
public  r The  enthufiafm  of  the  public  will  pafs  away  as 
the  eleCtric  fire  ; the  man  of  integrity  will  then  be  wea- 
ried by  the  inutility  of  his  efforts  ; he  will  be  tired  out  fa 
much  the  fooner,  as  devoted  by  inclination  to  retirement,. 

■ — a lfranger  to  the  manners  and  intrigues  of  a court,  he 
muft  be  more  quickly  difgufted  with  the  tardinefs,  the  in- 
difference, or  the  difdain  of  cabinets  upon  this  fubjeft. 

To  all  thefe  obftacles  there  is  but  one  remedy  ; unite  all 
the  ftrength  of  men  of  integrity,  that  it  may  be  dire&cd 
to  a common  end.  In  this  union,  therefore,  let  him  who 
has  knowledge,  communicate  it  ; let  him  who  has  talents, 
write  or  fpeak  ; let  him  who  has  acquaintance  at  court, 
plead  this  great  caufe  before  the  minifter  ; let  all  * concur 
with  a common  confent  to  inform,  at  the  fame  time,  the 

govern - 

* When  we  fay  all , we  are  far  from  excluding  the  Planters  from  this, 
good  work.  We  are  perfuaded  that  there  are  fome  of  them  who  fee 
with  grief  the  horrible  condition  of  the  Negroes;  that  they  would  notin 
the  lead  oppofe  the  abolition  of  flavery,  if  they  could  reconcile  it,  with 
a facrificc  that  is  not  too  great,  to  their  interefls. — The  Committee  Ihould 
he  candid  to  thefe  Planters ; they  fhotild  folicit  information  from  them, 
labor,  difeufs  the  caufe  with  them  ; they  Ihould  not  pafs  by  thofe  who 
may  be  lefs  humane,  fince  they  intereft  themfelves  concerning  their  ad- 
vantage as  well  as  that  of  the  Negroes. 


1 can  hear  witnefs  to  the  truth  of  what  the  Author  fuppofes  in  favor 
of  fome  Planters. — I have  known  fome  who  have  pofleflcd  very  generous 
minds  in  many  rcfpe&s,  and  who  were  capable  of  a faithful  difinterefted' 
friendlhip.  In  my  travels  through  fome  of  the  Weft  India  iflands,  I have 
met  the  moft  liberal  hofpitality. — I remember  that  when  I arrived  at 
one,  a gentleman,  whofe  relation  only  knew  me  a little,  fent  a poft- 
chaife  and  four,  a fniall  phaeton,  and  feveral  horles,  for  me  and  all  my 
fellow-paffengers,  that  we  might  continue  at  his  houfe  while  the  fliip  re- 
mained 


An  ORATION. 


*57 


government  and  the  public  ; let  them  make  it  their  con- 
stant occupation,  and  nothing  will  refill:  efforts  that  are  al- 
ways wifely  directed. 

Thefe,  gentlemen,  are  the  objeCts  which  Ihould  engage 
the  attention  of  the  fociety,  not  a moment,  not  a day,  not 
a year,  but  always,  till  they  lhall  have  obtained  the  liberty 
of  our  brethren. 

All  the  members  Ihould  fay,  what  a Quaker  of  London 
faid,  when  they  mentioned  to  him  fome  doubts  about  the 
fuccefs  of  the  approaching  bill  : “ Friend,'  if  it  does  not 
“ pafs  this  year,  we  will  introduce  it  the  next  ; we  will 
“ introduce  it  for  fifty  years,  if  it  is  necelfary.  . It  is  a mif- 
V lion  from  heaven,  we  mult  fulfil  it.  It  is  impoffible  but 
“ that  the  truth  will  carry  it  at  laft,  Benezet,  our  brother, 
“ fucceeded  in  America,  and  he  had  more  difficulties  to 
“ combat  than  we  have.  He  was  the  fir  ft,  and  we  follow 
“ him,  when  the  minds  of  men  are  already  agitated  ; he 
“ was  alone,  and  we  are  numerous.” 

Yes,  gentlemen,  the  truth  will  carry  it  alfo  in  our  own 
country,  if  we  arc  willing  to  perfevere  in  this  million  with 
the  fame  conftancy,  the  fame  zeal  as  the  Quakers  ; if, 
like  them,  we  are  careful  to  avoid  that  fpirit  of  pride,  that 
alfuming  fpirit,  and  that  fpirit  of  defpotifm,  which  renders 
ufelefs,  and  often,  fatal,  the  beft  intentions  ; if,  penetrated 
with  a fpirit  of  brotherly  love,  of  equality,  without  which 
there  will  be  nothing  but  inconiillency,  and  perhaps  hypo- 
crify,  in  the  defence  of  our  caufe  ; if  we  are  delirous  to 
aid  each  other  reciprocally  in  our  labour  ; if  we  are  defir- 
ous,  in  lhort,  not  who  lhall  fpeak  the  molt  brilliantly  in 
our  alfemblies,  but  who  lhall  manifeft  the  molt  fincere 
energy  for  virtue,  with  the  greateft  felf-deniel.  Truth, 
when  conceived  by  a foul  of  fire,  fupported  by  an  unfhak- 
en  conftancy,  delivered  by  a fincere  mouth,  finds  no  ene- 
mies, no  objections. 

Let  us  guard  againft  being  frightened  by  obftacles  ; let 
us  conlider  the  good  that  will  refult  from  our  labours,  when 


mained  at  the  ifland. — I am  not  infenfible  to  gratitude,  and  while  I write 
againft  Negro-flavery,  I with  the  temporal  and  eternal  welfare  of  the 
Planters.  The  wife  man  fays,  that  “ faithful  are  the  wounds  of  a friend.” 

The  Translator. 

even 


«s* 


An  oration.  • 


even  they  are  not  crowned  with  fuccefs : * let  us  confider 
that  in  caufing  a ftep  to  be  made  towards  liberty,  we  caufe 
another  to  be  made  by  our  country  towards  public  fpirit ; 
let  us  confider,  that  we  (hall  accuitom  our  fellow-citizens 
to  attend  to  grave  and  ferious  fubjedts  ; and  what  good 
mult  we  not  expedt  from  the  ufe  of  thefe  ferious  medita- 
tions ? 

Let  us  guard,  befides,  againft  being  frightened  at  the 
fmallnefs  of  the  means  with  which  the  fociety  commence 
their  labours  ; let  us  call  to  mind  the  hiltory  of  Benezet, 
and  of  the  fociety  at  London — He  was  alone  ; and  four  or 
five  formed  that  fociety,  who  now  engage  the  good  withes 
of  millions.  The  French  fociety  w ill  engage  as  many, 
perhaps,  w hen  the  public  opinion  is  formed  ; when  the 
caufe  of  the  unhappy  Negroes  (hall  be  inveftigated  with 
care ; then  a multitude  of  men  from  all  parts  will  run  to- 
gether, who  fecretly  defire  this  reformation,  but  who  have 
hitherto  been  kept  back  too  much,  perhaps,  from  the  fear 
of  being  accufed  of  enthufiafm,  of  the  love  of  innovation. 
Let  us  prefent  to  our  minds  the  time  when  the  fociety  thall 
be  formed,  a time  of  precious  fermentation,  excited  by  the 
rel'pedf  of  humanity  ; a time  when  minds  become  tired  of 
frivolous  purfuits,  will  perceive  the  defire  of  fomething 
important. — Let  us  refledf  upon  the  character  of  our  na- 
tion ; a character  that  is  marked  more  than  any  other  w’ith 
univerfal  benevolence. — Let  us  refledl,  in  fhort,  upon  the 
defigns  of  the  prefent  minifter  to  extirpate  abufes  of  every 
kind,  and  his  promptnefs  to  collect  the  ideas  of  reforma- 
tion. When  the  minifter  perceives  that  the  flavery  of  the 
Negroes  is  a crime,  and  that  nature  has  wifely  attached 
more  real  advantages  to  the  work  of  freemen  than  to  that 
of  Haves,  will  he  ponder  to  recommend  himfelf  to  the  fo- 
vercign  an  univerfal  defign,  that  his  heart  ought  to  embrace 
with  eagernefs  ? His  predeceifors  have  folemnly  declared, t 

* There  is  already  a finking  example  ; which  we  can  only  attribute  to 
the  great  fermentation  caufecl  by  the  fociety  of  London.  The  General 
Affembly  of  Jamaica  have  pafled  a Bill,  on  the  29th  of  November,  1787, 
to  foften  the  condition  of  the  Negroes.  It  eftablifhes  in  every  parifh  a 
Council  of  Protection  for  thefe  unfortunate  people  ; it  fixes  the  penalty 
of  death  for  every  murder  committed  upon  a Have. 

f See  the  ordinances  of  1315  and  1318. 

That 


An  ORATION. 


*59 


That  all  men  are  born  free  by  nature  ; that  the  French  king- 
dom fhould  be  Jo  in  reality  as  well  as  nominally.  Guided  by 
this  principle,  the  French  have  fucceflively  liberated  the 
vaifals  on  their  eftates.  Our  monarch  himfelf  has  abolilh- 
ed  the  laft  remains  of  fervitude. — Will  not  his  benevolent 
hand  extend  itfelf  one  day  to  the  Negroes  who  live  under 
his  laws  t Are  not  the  French  colonies  a part  of  his  do* 
minions  ? Are  not  the  black,  as  well  as  the  white,  inha- 
bitants, his  fubjedts  ?* 

* This  Oration  has  produced  the  effedt  that  was  expeAed.— Several 
perfons  have  founded  a fociety,  have  aflcmbled  to  make  Rules,  and  to 
determine  upon  a plan  of  proceeding.  In  the  fpace  of  fix  weeks  ninety 
others  diftinguifhed  for  their  nobility,  for  their  offices,  and  as  men  of 
letters,  have  made  application  to  be  admitted  into  the  fociety.  There  is 
no  doubt  but  that  the  number  will  be  quickly  augmented,  efpecially  in 
the  provinces  where  there  is  a benevolence  offentiment. — The  Marquis 
de  la  Fayette  is  one  of  the  Founders  of  this  fociety,  and  he  gives  it  a fup- 
port  fo  much  the  more  laudable,  as  the  fociety  of  Paris  has  many  great 
difficulties  to  encounter,  which  are  unknown  to  the  Cacieties  of  London 
and  America. 


FINIS. 


0 


/ . ;V  4 r w 

r^um 

1 ill 

y- 

S:-yf5 

